bA;<i;esxl
fp
BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT
AND EGYPTIAN RESEARCH ACCOUNT
TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, 1916
TOOLS
AND WEAPONS
ILLUSTRATED BY THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION IN
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON,
AND 2,000 OUTLINES FROM OTHER SOURCES.
BY
W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S., F.B.A. ;
HON. D.CL., LL.D., LITT.D., F.S.A. (Scot.), A.R.I.B.A., M.R.I.A.
MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF NORTHERN ANTIQUARIES
MEMBER OF THE ITALIAN SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY
MEMBER -OF THE ROMAN SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY
MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
EDWARDS PROFESSOR OF EGYPTOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
\
LONDON
BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, GOWER STREET, W.C.
AND
CONSTABLE & CO. LTD., 10 ORANGE STREET, LEICESTER SQUARE, W.C.
AND
BERNARD QUARITCH, u GRAFTON STREET, NEW BOND STREET, W.
1917
PRINTED BY
11AZELL, WATSON AND VINIY, LD.,
LONDON AND AYLESBURY.
BRITISH SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN EGYPT
AND EGYPTIAN SEARCH ACCOUNT
GENERAL COMMITTEE (* Executive Members)
Hon. John Abercromby
Walter Baily
Henry Balfour
Rev. Dr. T. G. Bonney
Prof. R. C. Bosanquet
Rt. Hon. Viscount Bryce of
Dechmont
Dr. R. M. Burrows
*Prof. J. B. Bury (Chairman)
•Somers Clarke
Edward Clodd
Prof. Boyd Dawkins
Prof. Sir S. Dill
*Miss Eckenstein
Dr. Gregory Foster
Sir James Frazer
*Dr. Alan Gardiner
•Prof. Ernest Gardner
Prof. Percy Gardner
Rt. Hon. Sir G. T. Goldie
Prof. Gowland
Mrs. J. R. Green
Rt. Hon. F.-M. Lord Grenfell
Mrs. F. Ll. Griffith
Dr. A. C. Haddon
Dr. Jesse Haworth
Rev. Dr. A. C. Headlam
D. G. Hogarth
Sir H. H. Howorth
Baron A. von Hugel
Dr. A. S. Hunt
Mrs. C. H. W. Johns
Prof. Macalister
Dr. R. W. Macan
Rev. Prof. Mahaffy
Sir Henry Miers
*J. G. Milne
Robert Mond
Prof. Montague
Walter Morrison
•Miss M. A. Murray
Prof. P. E. Newberry
His Grace the Duke
Northumberland.
F. W. Percival
Dr. Pinches
Dr. G. W. Prothero
Dr. G. Reisner
Sir W. Richmond
Prof. F. W. Ridgeway
Mrs. Strong
Lady Tirard
E. Towry Whyte
OF
Honorary Treasurer— *K. Sefton-Jones
Honorary Director — Prof. Flinders Petrie
Honorary Secretaries— Mrs. Hilda Petrie and Percival Hart
Bankers— The Anglo-Egyptian Bank.
Though last winter the war hindered the continuance of excavations, it is hoped they
will be resumed, so soon as the position is more settled, with assistants who are not required
in Government service. Meanwhile the volumes for 1914 on Lahun and Harageh are delayed
by various causes; and, in lieu of the usual volumes on excavation for 1915, subscribers have
received a work on the scarabs in University College, with over 2,000 illustrations of objects
bearing royal and private names ; and for 19 16 the present volume on Tools.
The accounts of the British School are audited by a Chartered Accountant, and published
in the Annual Report. Treasurer: H. Sefton- Jones.
ADDRESS THE HON. SECRETARY,
BRITISH SCHOOL IN EGYPT, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
GOWER STREET, LONDON, W.O.
The British School of Archaeology in Egypt has been making a collection for a war
fund since 191 4. We undertook to raise £ 1,000 for the Officers' Families Fund, and
achieved this in about a year. We are now collecting entirely for the Scottish Women's
Hospitals, to maintain Dr. Elsie Inglis' two Field Hospitals, which are serving the
Serbian division of the Russian army in Rumania, and are greatly valued by our allies (Hon.
Sec. S. W. H., London Units, Hilda Flinders Petrie). It is hoped that all subscribers
will help to make this the special War Work of our organisation. We have no hesitation
in continuing to receive usual subscriptions to the School, as such are invested in War
Loan, and thus pass into the National Savings for the present. Our students are now all
serving their country, but when that sad duty is passed, they will again turn to the School
to support their researches. Meanwhile our supporters, by their subscriptions, ensure getting
the volumes of this catalogue, which will be continued for the years of the War. The
volumes are : —
Amulets (previously issued by Constable).
Scarabs, for 19 15.
Tools and Weapons, for 1916.
Funeral Statuettes (Shabtis) ) -
iir • u j »/r t '0r I9I7-
Weights and Measures J
Following volumes will be on Ornaments and Toilet Objects ; Stone and Metal Vases ;
Scarabs with designs and Button Seals ; Prehistoric Egypt ; Games and Writing Materials ;
Glass and Glazes (in colours) ; Beads (in colours) ; and ten or twelve other subjects.
At a time when all our energies are required for our defence, it is needful to state the
conditions under which any historical work is produced. At the beginning of the war the
writer of this volume offered to resign University position until peace, but was officially
instructed to retain it ; and the most direct duty of such position is the present catalogue
of College collections. His offer also, in two official enquiries, to take the work of other
men in public service, has been declined. The printing of this volume has been left to be
produced entirely as deferred work, only taken up to level the output of the printers and
plate-makers ; thus equalising the conditions of labour, without employing more workers than
are otherwise needed. The splendid early volunteering of over 250 men from the firm of
printers, shows that they do not hesitate at complying with the national requirements. Great
delays in printing have necessarily occurred, and it is doubtful if volumes beyond this, and
the one on Scarabs, can be issued till after the war.
IV
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTI
ON
SECT.
PAGE
SECT. PAGE
I. Limits of this work I
30. Made in different centres
H
2. System of this work I
31. Weights of double axes
14
3. Detail of arrangement 2
32. Purpose of weights
• 14
• 15
• is
CHAPTER I
• is
THE PLAIN-BLADE AXE (a)
4. Difference of axe and adze .... 5
CHAPTER III
5. Cypriote imports to Egypt
. S
THE ADZE (Z) AND HOE 0)
6. Pillowy forms of axe
. 6
7. Methods of copper working
6
36. Early Egyptian adzes 16
8. Flat cast axes
. 6
37. Early European adzes .
16
9 Wide copper axes .
. 6
38. Round-topped adzes
16
10. Plain blade of bronze .
• 7
39. Later adzes ....
17
n. Round axes .
• 7
40. The lug-adzes
17
12. Axes with lugs
8
41. The late lug-adze .
17
13. Battle axes .
9
42. Hafting of adzes ....
18
14. Scolloped axes
• 9
43. Eastern socket adze
18
15. Flanged axes
*
10
44. The Egyptian hoe
18
16. Pole axes
10
45. Source of the hoe ....
19
17. Edged batons
10
18. Halberds
10
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER II
THE CHISEL (c)
THE SOCKETTED AXE (0)
46. The bare chisel, square . . . 19
19. Bronze axes n
47. „ deep .
. 20
20. Plain iron axes
n
48. „ wide .
20
21. Deep socket axes .
11
49. „ round .
. 20
22. Recurved blades .
12
50. The tang chisel, square
. 20
23. Circular sockets
12
51. „ deep .
. 21
24. Long-back sockets
12
52. „ wide and round
. 21
25. Tubular sockets
12
53. The socket chisel, square
. 21
26. Oriental axes
13
54. „ deep .
. 21
27. Double axes in use
13
55. „ wide and round
. 22
28. „ „ ceremonial
13
56. The gouge
•
22
CONTENTS
CHAPTER V
THE KNIFE (k)
57. Classes of knives
58. Flaying knife
59. Straight-backed
60. Straight-edged
61. Hollow-backed
62. Hollow-edged
63. Recurved
64. Crook-backed
65. Khopcsh
66. Double convex (U)
67. Double-edged
68. The sword (e)
69. The sabre .
CHAPTER VI
THE DAGGER (D) AND SPEAR (H)
70. Prehistoric Egyptian daggers
71. xiith dynasty daggers .
72. xviith — xviiith dynasties
73. Inlaid handles
74. European dagger, rivetted .
75. „ tang daggers
j6. Spears of the copper age
77. Evolution of the British spear
78. Wide blade spears
79. Ceremonial spears
80. Forms of various regions
81. Concave-edge spears
82. The fin-blade
83. Flat-blade spears .
84. Spear butts ....
CHAPTER VII
THE ARROW, THROWSTICK, HARPOON
85. Forms and uses of the arrow (r)
86. Manufacture of the arrow
87. Flat arrow heads .
88. Ribbed arrow heads
89. Triangular arrow heads
9a Barbed arrow heads
91. Rhombic arrow heads
92. Peculiar types
93. Wood and bone arrow heads
94. Bows .
95. Throwsticks (v)
&C
FACE
22
22
23
23
24
24
25
25
26
26
26
27
28
28
28
29
29
30
30
30
3'
31
31
32
32
32
33
33
33
34
34
34
34
35
35
35
36
36
36
SECT. •
PAGE
96. Slings and bullets
36
97. Harpoons
37
98. Fish-hooks .
37
99. Scale armour
38
160. Rasps and scrapers
38
CHAPTER VIII
ARTIZANS' TOOLS (M)
101. The brace ... . . 38
102. The pump-drill .
39
103. The bow-drill
39
104. The rimer .
39
105. Bits
39
106. The auger
■ 39
107. The drawing knife
39
108. The plane
39
109. The anvil
40
no. Wooden mallets .
40
in. Hammers
40
112. Tongs .
4i
CHAPTER IX
BUILDERS' TOOLS (b)
1 1 3. The trowel and mortar rake .
1 14. Wedges and wooden chisels
1 1 5. Moving of stones .
116. Dressing of stones
1 17. Plastering and brick-making
118. The plumb line and level
1 19. The square ....
CHAPTER X
THE SAW, SICKLE, AND BILL-HOOK
120. Egyptian copper saws (s)
121. European bronze saws .
122. Iron and steel saws
123. Framed saws
124. The file and rasp .
125. Hard-stone sawing
126. Tubular drilling .
127. Nature of cutting points
128. Stone sawing at Tiryns
129 Mauls for hammer-dressing
130. Egyptian sickles (f)
131. European sickles .
132. The southern bill-hook (p)
133. The northern bill-hook
41
4i
4i
42
42
42
43
43
43
43
44
44
44
44
45
45
46
46
46
47
47
CONTENTS
• *
vn
CHAPTER XI
SECT.
PAGE
SHEARS, CUTTERS, TOILET TOOLS, AND
I63.
Staff head 57
THREAD WORK
I64.
Fish-spears .
• 57
SECT.
PAGE
I6S.
Flesh-hooks .
• 57
• 57
134-
135-
Shears (Q) .
Scissors
. 48
• 48
166.
Shovels
136-
Hair curlers (x) .
■ 48
I67.
Ladles .
• 58
137-
The scraping razor
• 49
168.
Spoons .
• 58
138.
The notched razor
• 49
I69.
Pounders and grinders
• 58
139-
The rotating razor
• SO
I70.
Fire drills
• 58
140.
Leather cutters (L)
• So
171.
Strigils
59
141.
Cutting -out knives
5i
172.
Benedictory crosses
• 59
142.
Egyptian tweezers (y)
• 5i
173.
Bolts .
59
59
143-
European tweezers
• 52
174.
Tumbler locks
144.
Borers (N). .
52
J^r
145-
Papyrus knives
52
175-
Pin locks
59
146.
Pins .
52
176.
Fork keys .
59
147-
Needles
S3
177.
Lifting keys
59
148.
Reels and netters
S3
178.
Rotating keys
60
149.
Spinning
S3
179.
Pulleys and toggles
60
150.
Shuttles and looms
53
180.
Compasses .
60
CHAPTER XII
181.
Chains ....
60
AGRICULTURE AND CATTLE (G)
182.
Casting crucibles .
60
151.
The wooden hoe 54.
183.
„ moulds .
61
152.
Other wooden tools
54
184.
„ are perdue
61
153-
The Italian iron hoe .
54
185.
Detailed moulds .
62
154.
55
155-
55
CHAPTER XIV
156.
Forks and rakes .
55
157-
The snaffle horse-bit (w)
55
SOME HISTORICAL RESULTS
158.
The curb ....
56
186.
The synopsis sheets 62
159.
56
187.
Forms peculiar to Egypt . . . .62
160.
Brands
56
188.
Forms unknown in Egypt . . . .63
CHAPTER XIII
189.
Forms widely spread 64
DOMESTIC
INDEX
161.
For list of plates, see
162.
57
SYNOPSIS SHEETS.
TOOLS AND WEAPONS
INTRODUCTION
i. In touching such an immense subject as the
history of tools and weapons, it is needful to accept
various limitations to the scope of the enquiry, as
otherwise it would be unmanageable. In the first
place this account refers to Egypt, and only to
other countries as illustrating that. The Egyptian
material is given as completely as may be, regard-
ing types and dates, and photographs of the speci-
mens at University College, of which this is a
catalogue ; duplicates in other collections are not
noticed, but only such specimens as amplify the
subject. From other countries comparisons are
merely an index of outlines, to show varieties of
types and their geographical range, but without
any attempt to give all the minor variations of form
or place. The sources and dating of each form
have been the main object in view.
Other countries being only taken here in rela-
tion to Egypt, it was not within the scope to notice
types which were unknown in Egypt. Thus the
great series of the flanged and socketted axes, the
very varied forms of sword, the pointed halberds,
the British looped spear heads, are all unnoticed.
These have been so well and fully studied in special
papers and books already, that there is the less
need to say more about them.
Stone implements are not touched on here, as
the abundance of such from Egypt would require
a volume to themselves. No doubt they are the
parents of many of the metal forms ; but the
complex question of the reflex influence of metal
forms upon the later stone working, makes it
desirable to treat the metal quite apart, and then
to apply the results to the study of the stone imple-
ments.
The main object being the relations of Egypt,
most attention has been given to Mediterranean
forms, rather than to the northern material which
is less significant. This being only a secondary
publication as regards materials outside of Egypt,
it has not been thought needful to copy details of
ornament, or damages, which do not affect the
comparison with Egypt ; nor have precise details
of localities always been given, as the district or
country is all that is required here. As every out-
line has the reference to the original source placed
below it, there will be no difficulty in turning to
the primary publication for further information.
Such are the limits which it has seemed neces-
sary to place upon this attempt to unify the early
history of most of the tools and weapons of the
last few thousand years. The enormous mass of
material renders selection needful, unless a life-
time could be given to the subject. All previous
publications have looked only to one country or
one civilisation, or else handled only one type.
There has been no corpus for reference to com-
parative types of various lands and their trans-
mission, or of various ages and their history of
change. In default of such a corpus this volume
may serve for general reference, though I am well
aware that it can only be called materials for a
history of tools. Much here has been gleaned
directly from the museums, particularly in Greece
and Italy, which I have not found hitherto pub-
lished ; about a quarter of the outlines are directly
from cases in museums.
2. Hitherto tools have been much neglected.
Weapons have been ardently collected, but the
historical evolution of tools has scarcely been
touched. Even when the best samples of Greek
tools have been presented to a national museum,
they have been thrown away by the head of the
Department, who remarked that they were ugly,
and he did not care for them. We read of ninety
camel loads of excellent steel picks being discovered
at Khorsabad, but how they have vanished is un-
recorded.
The aim here has been to regard the purpose of
each form, the mode of its use, the reasons for its
changes, the connections of its variations with
differences of climate and conditions. It is only
INTRODUCTION
by looking at tools and weapons from the point of
view of the actual user, that we can understand
them, and put them in their place as forming an
important support to the general history of civilisa-
tion.
At first the distinctions of tools and weapons
hardly existed. The same form might serve many
purposes, with more or less success ; much as we
may still see penknives ruined by levering corks
out of bottles. Civilisation is marked by the
specialising of men and materials; and after the
adoption of specific forms for different uses, it is
needful to distinguish them in the terms we employ.
Even in standard works we may find no dis-
crimination is made between the sword for slashing
and the rapier for thrusting, or between the knife
and dagger, or the axe and adze.
In classifying the material here, the genetic
connection of changes has been followed, where it
was distinct ; but, in confused instances, simple
differences which can be quickly seen may make
more practicable lines of division. Thus the spear
forms are best arranged by the broad spear used
for slashing, the straight cut-or-thrust spear, and
the narrow pike only for thrusting. To some
extent these belong to differences of clothing and
of climate, but they are not necessarily lines of
descent. Where there is a great variety of forms
from one place and age, only the limits of the
variation are given here, as limiting types.
3. As regards the detail of the materials, the
scale of reduction of the figures has been unified.
Of all classes of objects which are not too large, the
photographs are on a scale of one half, and the
outlines (being only secondary publication) on a
scale of one quarter. Where forms are taken from
small figures, ancient or modern, they are generally
one-twentieth of the full natural size, as it would
be inexact to expand a rather vague figure to the
size of the accurate outlines. Such smaller figures
are obvious among those of the uniform larger
scale. Where no scale is known, the letters N.S.
are appended. For unilateral forms such as axes
and knives, it is desirable to place them all in one
direction, preferably that in which they would
naturally be used by the right hand. So far as
possible the axis of the handle has been placed
upright, so as to display the direction of the cutting
edge clearly. It would be well if all publications
would keep to these points, which are necessary
in any comparative study ;— uniform scale, uni-
form direction, vertical handles. In a group of
axe-heads recently set out in a museum for exhibi-
tion, they are mounted without any uniformity,
and it is difficult to realise how far they resemble
one another, or anything elsewhere.
- In the order of the outlines the different metals
have been followed, so far as types would permit.
There is always a presumption that the copper,
bronze, iron, and brass tools succeeded in that
order, unless there is some individual evidence of
dating to the contrary. The objects of each metal
have therefore been placed together, and marked
thus as a class ; while exceptions brought in, by
dating or by type, are separately marked with the
name of the metal.
The place names are stated in a form for easy
recognition of their meaning. Where a site is well
known, it is stated ; if the site is obscure, the dis-
trict or region is stated. The purpose is to enable
any reader to see at once from the plates the range
of distribution. Further detail is often given in
the text, or can always be found by looking out the
reference. The list of abbreviations used for re-
ference is given on the next page. Where more
than one reference is stated to an outline, the first
is the direct source, and the other references are to
examples that are merely similar. The dates of
Egyptian objects are given in dynasties, in order
to avoid the confusion caused by various arbitrary
reductions of the Egyptian dates in years. " Egypt"
only is stated, as the place-names may not be familiar
to all readers ; the exact place is given by the
title of the book quoted, or in the text. For
facility of reference the page is stated rather than
the plate number ; and in series, the year rather
than the volume number. In the Mykenaean objects
at Athens, the Roman numerals are those of the
circle graves of Schliemann. Many of these objects
are unpublished.
Having to refer both to photographs and to
outlines there is unavoidably some irregularity in
the numbering. Whether the plate numbers or
the text number should be continuous, has been
decided by the convenience of reference in each
case. In many cases the outline pages have cross
references to the photographs or scattered figures.
Usually the photographs and the outlines of the
same series are placed facing ; even if other plates
intervene, such can always be held upright, so as
to get a view of plates which should be compared
together. A main consideration has been the
ABBREVIATIONS
possibility of seeing in one view all material for
comparison. Hence many plates are crowded in
order to include the whole of one type. A few
figures have been passed on to an end plate to
avoid breaking up the subjects by mixing them on
plates.
The subject of the dates of the introduction and
use of different metals has not been followed here.
What is known from Egypt is stated in Ancient
Egypt, 1915, p. 12.
No attempt has been made to follow the move-
ments of types as indicating the movements of
races. There is not enough yet known, to come to
any safe conclusions from such arguments. Some-
times the distribution of a type may be referred to
historically known movements of peoples at the
same period, which is a legitimate use of history ;
but at present in our great ignorance of distribution
of types, of the dating of objects, of the extent and
direction of trade, it is premature to deduce his-
tory from types of tools. All that can be said is
that strong negative evidence may be drawn from
proved dissimilarities, which contradict supposed
lines of connection.
ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED
A. Archaeologia (Society of Antiquaries,
London), i860 —
A.A. The American Antiquarian .
A.A.iii. Ayrton (E. R.), Abydos iii. 1914
A.C. Athens, Central Museum
AL. Pro Alesia ....
AN. L'Anthropologie, Paris .
A. P. Athens, Polytechnic Museum .
A.R. Anger, Graberfeld zu Rondsen
A.S. Aspelin (J. R.), Antiquites Nord
Finno-Ougrien, 1877-84, i-v
A.V. Cabinet of Antiquities, Vienna
A.W. Mitt. Anthrop. Gesell. Wien .
B. Bologna Museum .
B.A. Bissing (F. W. von), Ein Theban
ischer Grab fund, 1905
B.B. Bertholon, Berberie Orientale
BERL. Berlin Museum
B.F. Bologna Fonderia (great group of
fragments found together) .
B.L. Bathurst( W. H. ), Roman Antiquities
at Lydney Park, Gloucestershire,
1879
100
12
1
38
1
21
28
13
1
28
37
1
1
3
50
B.M. British Museum ....
B.P. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana .
B.R. Abh. K. BayernRom. Alterthum, 1840
B.T. Bayeux Tapestry, ed. F. R. Fowke,
1875, 1898 ....
C.A. Caillaud (F.), Recherches sur les
Arts et Metiers, 1837 .
C.C. Chantre (E.), Recherches dans le
Caucase, 1885 ....
CD. Carapanos (C. ), Dodone, 1878 .
CM. Cairo Museum ....
C.N. Curie (J.), A Roman frontier post,
the fort of Newstead, 1911 .
CS. Cartailhac (E.), Ages prehistoriques
de l'Espagne, 1886 . .
D.A. Delgado (Rada y), Museo Espafiol de
Antiguedades, 1872-80.
D.C Dussaud (R.), Les Civilisations Pre-
helleniques dans le' Bassin de la
Mer Egee. 2nd edit. 1914 .
D.G. Davies (N. de G.), Rock Tombs of
Deir el Gebrawi, i
D.L. Dechelette (J.), La Collection Mil-
Ion, 1913 . . .
D.M. Dechelette (J.), Manuel d'ArchS-
ologie, 1908 — ....
D.W. Demmin (A.), Weapons of War, 1870
E.B. Evans (J.), Ancient Bronze Imple-
ments of Great Britain, 1881
E.D. Engelhardt (C), Denmark in the
Early Iron Age, 1866 .
F. Florence, Archaeological Museum .
F.M. Foote(R. B.), Madras Museum, Cata-
logue of the Prehistoric Anti-
quities, 1901 ....
F.T. Feldhaus (F. M.), Technik der Vor-
zeit, 1914
G.A. Garstang (J.), El Arabah, 1901
G.C Gozzadini (G.), Mors de Cheval, 1875
G.M. Garstang (J.), Mahasna, 1902
G.N. Gargiulo (R.), Musee National de
Naples, 1870 ....
G.P. Gross (V.), Les Protohelvetes, 1883
G.R. Papa Giulio Museum, Rome .
G.T. Gross ( V.), La Tene, 1883
G.W. Gardner Wilkinson (J.), Manners
and Customs of the Ancient Egyp-
tians, ed. 1878 ....
H.M. Hoernes (M.), Natur- und Ur-
geschichte des Menschen, 1909
JIGURE8
123
DO
21
18
II
21
II
19
2
16
18
20
4
8
11
18
1
9
3
33
ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED
H.U. Hempel (J.), Alterthumer ... in M.S.
Ungarn, 1905 .... 26
I.S. Bryan Fausset and Roach Smith, M.V.
Inventorium Sepulchrale, 1856 . 13 N.
K.U. Korte (G.) and Brunn (E.), vol. i, N B.
Rilievi delle Urne Etrusche, 1870,
1890. 1896 .... 6 N.O.
L.A. Lissauer (A.), Alterthumer der
Bronzezeit in der Provinz West- N.S.
preussen, 1891 — . . . 1 N.V.
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L.N.R. Layard (A. H.), Nineveh and its Re- Peet.
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M.E. Martha (J.), L'Art Etrusque, 1889 . 3 P.Nb.
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MX. Munro (R.), The Lake Dwellings of
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,, Diospolis, 1901 .
,, Deshasheh, 1898
,, Ehnasya, 1905 .
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Petrie, Defenneh (in Tanis II), 1888
„ Gizeh and Rifeh, 1907
Hyksos and Israelite Cities
1906
,, Hawara, 1889 .
„ Illahun, 1891
Kahun, 1890
Labyrinth and Gerzeh, 1912
Parma Museum .
Petrie, Medum, 1892
Memphis, 1909-15
Naukratis, 1886 .
Nebesheh (in Tanis II.
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Royal Tombs, 1900-1
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1914 ....
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Revue Archeologique, 1904 —
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Rome, New Capitoline Museum
111
30
139
12
10
6
11
10
4
12
18
4
4
10
39
9
4
6
11
9
1
3
4
1
11
10
3
12
2
16
10
21
4
52
1
1
27
1
4
THE PLAIN BLADE AXE
S. A. Schafer (H. ), PriesterGraber(Abusir),
1908
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19
11
18
41
7
1
3
3
19
7
3i
32
CHAPTER I
THE PLAIN BLADE AXE : (A) PLS. I TO VIII
4. The natural divisions of the great variety of
axes are (1) those with no form of attachment,
(2) with projections for a handle, (3) with a hole to
haft a handle. In general, the first division is
confused with forms of adze, under the common
modern term of celt ; as that word is only a cloak
for confusion, it is better to keep to the real
definitions of axe and adze. The axe has the edge
parallel to the handle ; the adze has it across the
handle. The axe is mounted into a handle, or a
handle into it ; the adze is bound on to a handle,
in general (pi. xviii). The axe is equal faced and
edged ; the adze has one face longer or flatter, and
is usually ground on one side. The axe is to drive
into wood to split it ; the adze is to take a thin
slip off a larger mass. The axe usually has a short
body, and means of pulling it back or twisting it
loose from the grip of the cloven wood ; the adze
has a long body, and (in ancient times) only a weak
attachment to the handle, as it was never struck
in deeply. The axe is thick in order to bear shock
and carry weight ; the adze is thinner, strength
not being required. Those various differences were
not all developed fully at first. In the stone ages
a single tool seems to have served for many uses ;
root-grubbing, breaking branches or skulls, and
throwing at animals, were probably all done with
one handy weapon. The growth of civilisation is
marked by increasing specialisation of men and of
means, until we now have dozens of varied forms
of hammer or of chisel. In the classification of the
present material, as the axe is the earlier type, it
has been credited with any forms that are not dis-
tinctive, and the adze is only accredited with forms
unsuited for axes.
5. In Egypt, the adze long preceded the axe;
metal was scarce, and to squander a pound of it
for a single tool would have been extravagant.
It is only at the close of the prehistoric age, after
the incoming of the dynastic people, and within a
generation of Mena and the 1st dynasty, that
copper began to be freely used (A 7, 8, pi. i).
Now, simultaneously with this, we find the adze
greatly increased in size (Z xv, xvi, 8, 66, 67, contrast
with the early forms 60-65) '. and the larger adze
was of a new form, widely splaying. This form
resembles that found in Cyprus (Z 7) more closely
than any other. As it would be absurd to suppose
copperless Egypt exporting tools to Cyprus, the
copper land, it seems that these larger heavy adzes
came from Cyprus ; and arrived in the same genera-
tion in which the heavy copper axes appear, at the
epoch of final conquest by the dynastic people ;
the evidence so far is that the dynastic people
brought the free use of Cypriote copper into Egypt.
This does not prove that they came from Syria,
but only that they were in trade intercourse with
Syria. It may be noted in passing that the name
cuprum was derived from that of Cyprus (and not
vice versa), as the Greeks long knew of Cyprus
THE PLAIN BLADE AXE
without using that name for the metal, and before
it superseded the earlier word aes in Italy ; indeed
Pliny writes of aes Cyprium. If the most recent
\iew should be proved — that the earliest Cypriote
copper came from the mainland — then Cyprus and
Egypt in the ist dynasty both drew from that
unknown source.
6. In accordance with copper being scarcer in
early Egypt than in other lands, we find that the
forms of axe in Cyprus, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and
America (A 1-5) imitate the pillowy rounded out-
lines of stone axes, while the Egyptian tools were
economically made with straight sides. In short,
copper was not freely used in Egypt until man had
already mastered the right form for metal tools.
This does not imply that the pillowy forms else-
where are actually older than the straight forms
of Egypt, but that they were relatively older in
the development of each country. At the same
time, the straight- sided Cypriote great adze (Z 7),
apparently contemporary with the ist-dynasty
adze in Egypt, is clearly long after the passing
away of pillow forms (as A 1-5) ; and, so far, we
may probably date these earlier forms in Cyprus
as older than the ist dynasty in Egypt.
7. We should consider now the method of manu-
facture. In casting, it is easier to make a flat
form, as an open mould can be used for it : but
hammering is easier along the edges where the
metal can spread. Hence the pillowy form is
natural to hammered work, and it is also a direct
imitation of the form needed for a stone axe, to
preclude snapping across the middle. Thus on adopt-
ing the unbreakable metal the same form continues,
as it is that which is most readily shaped by ham-
mering. In North America it appears that all
work in copper was done entirely by hammering
native copper. Nadaillac states that all copper
objects were made by hammering unheated (Prehist.
Am. 179) ; and the making of beads by rolling up
strips of sheet copper, shows how far the American
was from casting the metal. May it be supposed
that the pillowy forms in the Old World were like-
wise due to hammering native copper ? The pure
metal is found in many places in Cornwall (a mass
of as much as three tons), also in Anglesey, Antrim,
Chessy in France, in South Hungary at Moldava
on the Danube, and in Russia. The resemblance
of form between the certainly hammered axe of
Wisconsin (A 1), and the axes of Cyprus, Italy,
South Spain, and Sweden, suggests that they also
were likewise beaten from native copper, and not
cast. To cast a mass curved on both sides would
require a closed mould, fitting so well as not
to allow of leakage. Certainly it is the more likely
that man began by using the native metal in each
country ; and when the art was discovered of re-
ducing copper from ores, and casting it, the old
method of shaping by the hammer would continue
until the economy of labour by casting would be
devised.
8. The earliest castings may be presumed to be
in thick sheets in open moulds, a mere directing
of the outline of the most primitive pouring out of
the metal, to avoid the inconvenience of working
up a lump left at the bottom of the furnace or
crucible. Accordingly all the earliest straight- sided
adzes and axes are flat and almost equally thick,
except at the edge, where the hammering both
shaped and hardened the metal. From Egypt
there are the dated examples from sequence date
yy or 78, the age of the earliest kings of Abydos
(Tarkhan, i, 3), to 81, the middle of the first dynasty
(see A 6 to 9). The examples in the collection,
A 101-104, are not dated by the finding ; but 103
is of about the middle of the first dynasty, by the
resemblance of the name on it, Kash, to the names
of that age painted on the tombs {Royal Tombs,
i, lxiii). With this was found the adze Z 71, xvi,
which has the same name on one side, and on the
other the name Sa. . neit, which agrees to the same
period. The sign on A 104 occurs with similarly
rounded ends on an early slate palette of S.D. 33-41
(Diospolis, v, and xii 43), and recurs on pottery
marks in the latter part of the first dynasty (Royal
Tombs, ii, lv, D, 464, 485). It had therefore a long
usage, and was well established as a mark, un-
changed during a long period ; its history after-
wards was unbroken, through the Greek three-
stroke s, down to the modern s. The slight splay
of A 104 indicates a later date than the parallel
axes ; this is seen also in the axe A 9, dated to the
middle of the first dynasty, and in A 105. After
this the parallel-sided axe is not recorded from
Egypt ; it seems to have given place to the round
axe, and, later, to the axe with lugs.
9. The later development of the axe in the
copper age is seen in the forms A 10-30, arranged
in the order of the widening of the cutting edge.
The first step is that of the earliest Persian type
from the tombs at Susa (A 11, 12), where the sides
remain parallel, but the edge is widened outward
BRONZE AXES
in the beating. This was combined with increasing
splay of the sides in the examples from Portugal,
Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Poland, and Hungary.
The blade made long, narrow, and very thick, with
a wide edge (A 24), seems in each of these features
to be adapted for splitting wood ; when driven into
a log it could be struck on the side in order to force
the crack wider. The shorter axes (26-30) from
Italy and India agree in having a deep, circular
edge ; this was not suited for cleaving nor for light
wood-cutting, but rather suggests a fighting axe ;
the shortness of the blade would agree with this,
as the axe would not be held by a wound it inflicted,
and so a strong attachment to the handle was not
needed. Two examples that look like copper are
outside of the regular Egyptian types, vii, 142 and
viii, 194. They probably belong to some barbarous
invaders.
10. The next stage was the discovery of bronze.
In the earlier copper age, the metal was hardened
by arsenic, by oxide of copper left in metallic solu-
tion, and, rarely, by bismuth or by tin. Probably, in
all these cases, the alloy was due to using impure
ores of copper, which were found to give a superior
result for use. The regular use of tin ore smelted
with the copper, and, later, of metallic tin added
to the copper, cannot be traced farther back than
the Hyksos period in Egypt, or about 2,000 B.C.
in Europe. The advantage was not so much in
hardness — for copper with arsenic, well hammered,
is even harder than bronze — but rather in the
greater fusibility and freedom for casting. The
forms of bronze axes were continued from the
earlier copper age. The parallel- sided axe with ex-
panded edge lasted on in Italy (31), in Sardinia (32),
and is usual in Hungary (33, 34) ; while its appear-
ance on the Rhine and in Ireland may be due to
importation. The Chinese example (33) is placed
with these, as it is of the same family, though
socketted, and does not agree with any of the other
socketted axes. The splay form was, however, the
more usual development, as the bronze did not
favour the expanding of the edge by hammering.
It is around the Mediterranean, and in the west, that
the splay form in bronze mainly spread, though it
is known in Hungary and Central Asia (Minussinsk).
It was usual in England (50-52) ; and, strangely,
continued till the Roman time in Italy, made of
iron (54).
None of these axes show any hammering on the
top edge, and they must have been permanently
hafted. The narrow top would seem unsuited to
resistance in a handle ; it shows that the blow was
given by the weight of the blade itself, and not
by any weight in the handle behind it. A heavy
handle would have split itself on the back of such
an axe as 39, 41, or 50, almost as readily as the
axe cut into the wood in front of it. The handle
must have been light, and the blade probably
secured by some slightly yielding material ; the
blow must have depended on the weight of the blade,
and not on any push given to the handle. An actual
hafting is of deer horn as a socket, set upon a
wooden handle like the head of a mallet (Peet,
S.B.A.I., 253). The developments of a stop
ridge on the side of the axe, and of the winged sides,
ending in the complete socket, are outside the pre-
sent scope, for they are never found in Egypt ; as
they have been well traced in previous works, there
is the less need to deal with them here.
11. A type of axe which is peculiar to Egypt is
the round form, A 55-70, 106-121. This originated
at least as early as the ist dynasty, as it appears as
a hieroglyph in the reigns of Den and Qa (Royal
Tombs, i, xv, 16 ; ii, xii, 6). The transition stage
from the square axe is A 105, which is almost the
same as A 9, of the middle of the ist dynasty. The
next stage, A 108, is exactly like the axes of
Khosekhemui, and doubtless came from his tomb,
belonging to the close of the iind dynasty. The
hole for tying it on to the handle was later modified
as one, two, or three smaller holes ; see A 62 left
side pi. lxxiii with original handle (and a duplicate),
and A 112 and 115. The large number of holes
A 109, in, 113, 114 have been drilled in modern
times by natives, hoping to improve specimens.
On 108 is the numeral 43, probably the number of
it in a series for the tomb. After this rudely
rounded form of the iind dynasty, more regular
forms arose in the iiird dynasty ; see A 55, 56,
from the tombs of Hen-nekht and Neter-khet.
The figures in the tomb of Hesy, also of the early
iiird dynasty, 57, show how the axe was bound in.
A shallower form, 60, is figured in the vth dynasty,
in the fighting scene at Deshasheh ; this serves to
date the similar specimen A 114 (from Dishneh?).
The fully deep axe with lugs arises in the vith
dynasty, A 58, 59, 63. To this date may probably
be assigned the specimens A 106, 107, no, and the
form with the lugs turned down to hold the lashing,
A 112, 114, 115. The type with a single project-
ing lug, as A in (Selamiyeh), 113, is probably later.
8
THE PLAIN BLADE AXE
Some similar examples have been ruined by natives
cutting away the blade to form a second lug ; the
two blades here are original. There is contra-
dictory evidence as to the mounting of the skew
blade A 113. The model from the tomb of Mena
at Dendereh, 121, of the vith dynasty, shows the
wider part at the end, which would be the suitable
way to use it ; but the drawing of Rosellini, A 64,
of about the ixth or xth dynasty, strangely puts
the wider part toward the handle. This may per-
haps be an error in the drawing.
Reaching the xiith dynasty, two models (A 69, 153,
the latter from the tomb of Emshat, Asyut) show
how the blade-seat was recessed in the handle, so
that the binding should be protected by the wood
at each end. The figures 64 used by carpenters,
67 used by a boat builder, and 68 by a carpenter,
show that these were artisan tools, as also 57 ;
but A 60, the shallower form, is a battleaxe. The
figure 68 serves to date the specimen A 117 to the
xiith dynasty. The perforated axe 118 is of the
type on pi. vi ; but differs from that in having a
base and lugs, like the other round axes. It is
doubtless of the xiith dynasty, as also is the beauti-
fully made small axe with the lotus flowers, A 119 ;
this latter retains the original high polish of the
metal where protected by the handle. Round axes
with lugs lasted into the xviiith dynasty, at least
for ceremonial use, as in the specimen of Amen-
hetep III, A 120. On the whole it is seen that the
main use of these round axes is from the ist to the
xiith dynasty, and the heavier axes with lugs A 72,
73, 122-133, are fr°m the xiith to the xxvith
dynasty. It seems, then, that the round axe may
have rapidly changed in the xiith dynasty from the
thinner round form 116, 117, to the heavier straight-
sided form A 122 and onwards. The ferrules which
were often used to hold the lugs of the round axes
were at last united to them, as in A 70, which has
two tubes at the ends to retain the handle, while
yet keeping the tying holes.
Before leaving the round axe, we should observe
some ceremonial models A 191-193 of the vith
dynasty, and ceremonial copies in stone, A 195-
197. These latter could never be used, as they
have no edge, but are about equally thick all round.
A 195 is inscribed for the uab priest Sekhenu, with
the determinative of a pillar. This does not seem
at all early, and is more likely an archaistic form
of the xixth dynasty.
12. Another type peculiar to Egypt was that
with broad lugs by which to secure the blade to the
handle, and a widening of the back to prevent the
handle being split on the blade. The stages of this
form are shown in the collection, A 122-130 of
copper and bronze, 131-133 of iron, in the drawings
72, 73 of iron, and probably the same form shown
mounted in 75 to 80. Strange to say, this method
of handling is totally absent from the rest of the
Mediterranean lands, North Europe, and Asia. It
seems almost incredible that a type characteristic
of Egypt for thousands of years could never be
established elsewhere. The two examples at Gezer,
on the frontier, were doubtless imported to Pales-
tine. It shows that however advanced Egypt was,
it was surrounded by civilisations sufficiently
developed to hold their own course completely.
Yet this type recurs as the regular form in Peru
and Central America (A 74). The entire absence
of it in many intermediate lands, must preclude our
supposing a case of borrowing. It is one of the
strong examples of an independent invention. The
cause is not far to seek. In the endeavours to give
a better attachment to the blade, the European
peoples were working in bronze, more fusible, and
better for casting, than copper. Hence they could
proceed on the socket system, pi. ix. The Egyp-
tian, like the Peruvian, was inventing his form in
the copper stage, when hammering was the process
rather than casting ; hence both went on the natural
lines of lengthening the blade along the handle,
to give a larger bearing and a means of firm lashing.
The history of the type in Egypt is not traced
before the xiith dynasty, A 122, when it is found
with slightly made lugs. Those with rather larger
lugs, 123, and 124 front and back, may be a little
later. The incised designs of the flower and the
wheel-pattern (flower?) are unusual. The longer
lugs appear in the xviiith dynasty ; at the beginning
of pi. lxxiv is the top of an axe, A 71, dated to
Arnenhetep II, showing that A 125 is of about the
middle of the xviiith dynasty. The design of fish
and lotus on A 127 rather suggests the age of Arnen-
hetep III ; this is much the most carefully made
of these axes, the ends of the lugs turning down to
hold in the lashing, and the edge much hammered
out. From this hammering, and the softness and
clean state of the red metal, it appears to be copper
rather than bronze. The latest bronze axe of the
type is A 130, which is of about the xxiind dynasty,
from Gerzeh. Next comes the transfer of this type
to iron in which A 132 is one of the finest examples
THE BATTLEAXE
of early iron work ; the ends of the lugs are rolled
over to hold the lashing in place. On A 133 the
leather lashing remains entire, although the wood
has been eaten out by termites. This was found
in the store chambers of the Ramesseum ; and, as
nothing there appeared later than about 800 B.C.,
this is probably one of the earliest iron axes. The
blade splays like the previous bronze axe from
Gerzeh, whereas the other iron axes, 72, 73, 131,
132 are square in form. All of the above axes were
evidently for carpentry and heavy work.
13. The battleaxe was a lighter variety of the
same type. The earlier stages appear with very
slight lugs, as A 134, 135, probably in the xth and
xith dynasties. Certainly by the time of Senusert I
the lugs were fully squared out, as in the beauti-
fully made example with his name, A 137. The
fine work of the engraving makes it less likely to
belong to one of the later Senuserts. A 138, 139
and a duplicate, are of the same age. The type
continued in the xivth dynasty, A 82, 83, but began
to show the unsymmetrical sloping form, which
later developed so much, as in A 88, 89. These
seem to have been merely fashionable sports, as it
is impossible to suppose that so long a form could
be handled with the precision of a shorter axe.
This fanciful form is not dated later than the begin-
ning of the xviiith dynasty, A 90. Soon after,
under Hotshepsut, 92, and Tahutmes III, 93, a
broader type came into use, as in A 144, 151, 152.
This continued to be the ceremonial form to the
close of the xviiith dynasty, as it appears in A 146 of
Amenhetep III, but there is no later example of it.
Outside of Egypt it appears in a changed form
with a midrib, from Central Syria, pi. Ixxiv, A 95.
The total absence of this type in Europe in its
earlier well-marked stages, makes the more remark-
able a small example of a late stage, A 96, found at
Fifehead in Wiltshire. It seems to come in the
series at about the close of the xviith dynasty, see
A 84, 85. Apparently it must be an importation
of about 1600 B.C., traded over to Britain. The
presence of apparently Egyptian beads in England
about four centuries later, leads us to believe that
there was widespread commercial intercourse in
these times. An exceptional form from Trans-
caucasia (A 97) differs so widely from the Egyptian,
by having a square tang for hafting, that the
resemblance in outline is probably fortuitous. A
similar square tang occurs on two late Egyptian
iron axes (A 98-9) from the eastern frontier at
Defenneh. These tanged axes may be all three
Asiatic, from one source ; such a fastening is un-
known in Europe or Egypt otherwise. The socketted
axe (A 100) is a rare form ; by its curve it is quite
distinct from the hoes on pi. xix.
14. The next type, that of the scolloped axe,
pi. vi, is of much interest as a foreign importation
into Egypt. In contrast to the axe with lugs, and
the round axe, both of which are unknown in Europe
and Asia, and were never diffused from Egypt,
the scolloped axe is widely spread in Carthage,
Greece, Syria, and Georgia. The modifications of
it in Syria show that it had a long history there,
and it may probably be accepted as Syrian in
origin. The simplest form, and therefore probably
the earliest, is the plain sheet of metal scolloped
out, which is preserved in Egypt, while only the
later development with a socket has yet been found
in Syria. A significant point is that, in a painting
of the xiith dynasty, where the Egyptians carry
the axe 165, let into the handle, the Syrian in the
same scene carries the axe 173, which is distinctly
socketted, with three eyes around the handle. This
shows that the Syrian had developed socketting as
early as the xiith dynasty, and was thus much
ahead of the Egyptian.
It should be observed that the earliest Egyptian
example (A 160) is figured in a tomb of the vth
dynasty at Deshasheh, as being made by an artisan
in Egypt. This proves that the type was already
known in the Old Kingdom : yet no actual ex-
amples, or figures of it in use, appear until the
xiith dynasty. Then we have the figures of the
deep form 161, 162, and the actual example 164.
This form continued long in the west, being known
in Carthage in Greek times, A 163. In the xiith
dynasty it became much shallower in Egypt, as
157-159, 165-167, influenced apparently by a
different weapon, the edge on a stick 178-180,
which will be dealt with below. But this shallow
form was only Egyptian, and did not influence the
main line of descent in Asia. The deep circular
form with three bands, around the handle, 173,
was used by Syrians in the xiith dynasty, and
brought into Egypt in the xxth dynasty, 174. The
next stage of development was the linking of the
socket bands together by a cross bar, as in the
Vapheio example, 175, which shows the extension
of the type to the Peloponnesos about the xviiith
dynasty. Next, in Syria the three loops became
merged into a single long socket, 168, a usual form,
10
THE PLAIN BLADE AXE
of which there are four examples in the British
Museum from Beyrut. This was further modified
by lengthening the blade and shortening the socket,
as in 169 from the Orontes, and 170 at the bottom of
pi. Lxxiv from Central Syria. The open spaces in
A 169 have been dwarfed, until they are almost closed.
The same type is given from Beyrut in xi, O 142,
to show its relation to Central Asian (143) and
Chinese forms (144, 145).
Another line of development was apparently
contemporary, as it is found together with the
last form in the group of four axes, in precisely
similar condition, from Central Syria, pi. lxxiv, 171.
In this the back was lengthened to gain a hold
on the handle, and the two end eyes were only
carried half round. A simpler form of this is
from Georgia (Transcaucasus), A 172, vi, where the
socket is wider, but without any extension down
the back, and the ends merely hitch into the stick.
Without having any dates or connecting examples
it cannot be said which is the earlier of these forms.
Certainly the Georgian is furthest from the earliest
dated type in Syria, A 173. It is curious to see
how closely the Egyptian scolloped axe was re-
invented in France, A 176, 177, with almost exactly
the same curves ; as the Egyptian type vanished
over two thousand years before the French ex-
amples, this is a certain case of recurrence of a
form.
15. The flanged edges of the Egyptian forms,
A 158, 159, 164, 166, 167, should be noticed. Ham-
mering on the edge of a tool, so as to raise a rib
or flange on the margin of the face, greatly stiffens
the blade. This was the usual mode which began
in the early bronze age in Central Europe, while it
was not used in the Mediterranean or in the early
Italian lake dwellings (Peet, 255). It appears to
have been a northern invention arising after the
close of the copper age, and developing during the
bronze age until it reached the form of the winged,
and lastly the socketted, axe. The whole of that
development is excluded from this volume, as it
did not touch Egypt. Yet in the examples above
quoted the slight beginning of flanging is seen
around the scollops in the back of the blade. This
indicates the northern or Asiatic origin of the
scolloped axe. The use of raised ribs on tools is
specially Asiatic, as will be seen on the Oriental
axes, lower part of pi. xi. The taste for such
treatment is like that for the flanged edges, and
these start from Hungary, which was always an
open field for Oriental types. Broadly, then, flanged
edges seem to be an Asiatic invention, passing with
an Asiatic type of axe into Egypt, without spread-
ing there ; also passing into Hungary after the
copper age, and thence developing in northern
bronze forms without being accepted on the
eastern, western, or southern Mediterranean (Peet,
397)-
16. A very unusual type of fighting weapon
(A 181-3) is called by Wilkinson the pole-axe.
This name refers to the fighting pole-axe of Ger-
many, but it is not easy to understand the real
nature of it. The colouring of 181 may help us.
The blade is blue, the oval upon the blade is brown,
the handle is yellow. It was used for swinging
overhead blows. The most probable interpreta-
tion of it is that the blade was iron, but so valuable
that it was stiffened by a large bronze oval on each
side of it, which attached it to the handle of wood.
This use of iron for the edge, supplemented by
cheaper bronze, is seen in the knife of iron with a
bronze handle cast upon it (see K. 246 across pi.
xxix). The reign of Rameses II, to which the
pole-axes belong, is exactly the time when iron
was first being used as a rarity ; this would agree
to the interpretation just given.
The Frankish axe 184 seems to be a re-invention
of the axe with holes, by which to bind it on to the
handle.
17. The edged fighting baton was a peculiarly
Egyptian weapon, not found elsewhere. It would
be quite useless upon clothing, and only effective
on bare flesh ; hence it could only be a hot-country
weapon. The simplest forms are A 154-6, where
the edge was simply backed into the baton, and
secured by ties through four or five holes. The next
stage was to make a lug at each end (A 178) to
hold it in by ferrules round the stick, as well as ties.
Another form was carried out over the end of the
stick as a point, A 179. The scolloped axe affected
it, and produced the type which is only fixed in the
baton at three points, A 157, 180. All of these
seem to belong to the xith and xiith dynasties.
18. The halberd is intermediate between the
edged baton and the axe. It is so obvious a form
that it arose independently in America, as seen by
the two from Wisconsin, A 185, 186. The latter is
curiously like the Coptic form, viii, 189, in its
attachment. The earliest example is the iron
halberd, vi, 187, which is dated to the xxth dynasty
by being found in a thick sand bed of the temple
THE SOCKETTED AXE
II
of Rameses III at Abydos. The iron halberd, viii,
190, may be of some later date, before the fine
Coptic example 189, which is engraved with zigzag
lines, a cross, fishes, and vine pattern. A form
similar to these halberds is used as a hoe in South
Africa, see Z.E. 1882, p. 541.
At the end is placed a very uncertain object, 188,
which suggests some ceremonial weapon ; it was
found at Gaualgesheim in Germany, and it has been
interpreted as the crest of a helmet. A crest of
such a form would, however, be Greek rather than
Roman.
CHAPTER II
THE SOCKETTED AXE (o) PLS. IX, X, XI, XIII
19. The second great class of axes is that of the
socketted axes, marked here by the letter O. The
use of a socket was very slowly adopted by the
Egyptians; they never employed.it for bronze or
for hammers, and only a few socketted iron axes
have been found, which are probably Greek or
Roman importations. Egypt therefore gives no
light on the history of socketting elsewhere. We
have seen how the socket appears to have been used
in Syria as early as the xiith dynasty (A 173), and
in Greece in the xviiith dynasty (A 175). The
evidence of material certainly places socketting
before the introduction of bronze. Socketted axes
of copper are known from Monte Rovello (Rome)
O 1, in Sicily (Siculan II), Kalenburg O 2, and
Hungary O 134-136, and socketted copper adze-
axes from Serbia, T 49-51, xiv. Nevertheless,
socketting does not seem to have been very preva-
lent in the bronze age, as we have only twelve of
bronze out of more than a hundred axes, and many
more iron axes might have been copied here, but not
more of bronze. It is curious how slowly the most
effective kind of handle came into use.
Among the bronze axes, note the broken-off
casting duct on the heel of O4, as in the Sicilian
(Peet, 466). This gives a clue to the origin of the
projections on the back of O 9, 10. It seems to
have been found advisable to make a clear projec-
tion on the back to serve as a hammer, O 9 to 14 ;
if a mere socket was hammered, the expansion of
the metal would deform the socket, hence the need
of a projection. The bronze model axe, pi. xiii,
O 116, is of an early form, used for an amulet as
in Sicily (Peet, 465). The Italian and Greek forms
arc almost straight and symmetrical, O 1, 3 to 14.
But in Germany the curved axe O 2 seems to have
been copied from a still more curved form in Hun-
gary (see M. 2.3.2). Hungarian types are usually
connected with Oriental types, and the curved axe
probably came in from the East. A widely splay-
ing axe appears on the Nineveh sculptures (O 15,
16) ; whether of iron or bronze is not known.
20. The iron axes began by copying the bronze
forms, asO 19 (like the modern Canada axe), 20, 21,
24, 25. The Hungarian axe O 23 retains the
curved form noticed above. Soon the true iron
forms develop, with a wide splay and thin blade,
O 26-36. In these, no special attention is given
to the socket ; no great strain was to be put upon
it, and the purpose was probably for fighting, or at
Pompeii for butchers' work. The Pompeian forms
are very common, some forty of them being at
Naples, varying between the limits O 29 and 30.
These forms occur in Egypt, O 31, 32 doubtless of
Roman age; and also the iron axe amulet O 117.
The purpose of the extreme type, 34, 35, must
have been to make a very wide cut quickly, keep-
ing the axe as light as possible for the sake of
rapid handling. Next there appear various develop-
ments of the socket. The curved form O 37, 109-
112 (lxxix) is the francisca, or throwing axe of
the Franks ; 109 is like the axe found in the tomb
of Childeric I (481 a.d.) now in the Louvre. Other
axes show a lengthening of the back as a hammer,
usually with an enlargement of the socket beyond
the sides of the blade. This must have been done
in order to use a weaker wood for the handle ; and
it would seem that all these (O40 to 44) are of
northern source. The hardest wood now used for
handles is the Syrian shum, largely exported to
Egypt for adzes and other tools. This is far harder
than the ash wood usually employed for handles
in the north, or even than oak. Hence it may be
taken that the northern peoples required larger
hafts for axes, in order to use the softer woods
without bruising and spoiling them by the strains
on the axe.
21. The deep socket is another stage of develop-
ment. Slight deepening is seen in O 45, 46, of the
first iron age and La Tene (second iron age). The
Carniola axe, 47, is of the curved Hungarian type.
Other slight deepening appears in Germany, O 48
to 51, with a great expansion of the blade. This
runs to an excess in the early mediaeval age O 52,
ia
THE SOCKETTED AXE
53, like the modern cooper's axe ; but these may
be for fighting. A similar form is seen in a bronze
amulet axe of Roman age, O 54 on pi. xiii.
A lengthening of the socket to correspond with
the blade, is required for the violent shocks of a
woodman's axe, such as O 17, 18. From this is
derived the drooping blade, which is found begin-
ning as early as the xiith dynasty for the wood-
man's axe O55. Much the same was used in
mediaeval France, 56, and in modern Brazil. It
was developed much further for carpenters' and
butchers' axes O 57 to 60, and the modern joiner's
axe, which type arose at least as early as Mero-
vingian times (D.W. 155, 39). Other mediaeval
axes greatly widened the blade, as used for decapita-
tion, O61 to 64. A still longer blade, 65, almost
became a halberd ; yet it was used as an axe for
stripping the bark off branches, the blade being
slipped in between the wood and the bark, as
shown in the Bayeux tapestry. The axe with a
spike at the back is Italic, being figured on Etruscan
sculpture, O 66. Much the same form was used
for a fighting axe in Germany in the xivth century ;
and was the Dutch butcher's axe (67) for killing
cattle in 1694. See also O 124, pi. lxxix.
22. Another stage is the recurving of the ends
of the blade. This began as early as the 1st cen-
tury a.d. in Germany, O69, 70, as shown on a
silver signum of a cohort, found at the camp of
Niederbiber by Neuweid. This was a Danish type
(72) and was brought by the Northmen into France.
From it was derived the typical Norman axe (71),
which continued to the xiiith century (73). A
somewhat similar form was used in Roman Britain,
with a very deep socket (68). The great size of
this, and of G 18, causes some doubt as to the
scale stated for them.
23. A different style of socket came into use in
the North, to allow of a sideways wrench of the
handle, for loosening the axe when it was struck
home. The socket was deepened at the sides into
a circular form. Excepting one axe found at
Perugia, all of these are cold-country weapons,
adapted to the softer woods used for handles in
the North, like the pattern of the Scotch axe. The
great length of the edge in some of these, as 83 to
88, also required a greater depth of socket to be
proportionate to the strains in use.
Another form of this deeper side to the socket
was developed mainly in the North, not as a circle,
but extending to a point above and below, as in
O 94 to 101. In modern axes the point below is
in the Newcastle and Yorkshire axe, and the point
both ways in the Kent and Irish axe. This form
also gives a hold on the side of the handle, but not
so effectually as the circular box socket, because
the point would soon crush into the grain of the
wood. The form is mainly Swedish.
24. A different use of the axe belonged to Ger-
many. The previous sockets were to meet a side
wrench, probably in fighting ; the next type was
to meet a lift of the handle, probably to loosen it
out of the grip of cloven wood. The socket is
deepened, mainly downward, so as not to crush the
handle when strained to lift. In some the socket
swells out to the back (O 103-108, and the fran-
cisca 109 to 112, lxxix) ; in others, it is ostenta-
tiously projected along the back, separate from the
sides (O 113 to 115).
25. Another family of socketted axes is dis-
tinguished by the tubular socket, O 118 to 129, which
in various shapes joins with what we may call the
Oriental axe, O132 to 145. The characteristic of
the Oriental axe is the ornament which is in raised
ribs on the surface. This was seldom, or never,
made in the West. The characteristic of the West
is incised line and shading ornament (as on the
razors pi. Ix, 61, 94), which is seldom, or never,
found in the East. These two opposite families of
decoration seem sharply to mark the sources in
opposite regions. There is perhaps a structural
cause for this difference. To produce the raised
relief around a socket, the casting must be done
in a closed mould, and little is left to hammer work ;
the incised ornament is natural on the flat surfaces
resulting from open moulds and beating out the
form.
Even on the simplest example of this family, the
socket is strengthened by raised ribs, O 118 ; these
are further advanced on 119, pi. lxxiv, from Cen-
tral Syria. In the latter, the casting duct is in the
middle of the back, joined with a deep flange to
stiffen the back of the socket. This family of tubular
sockets is remarkable for the narrowness and length
of the blade (O 123, 126 to 129) ; also for the knob
more or less ornamented, which is placed on the
back (0 125-6-7, 129). The purpose of these
forms is not obvious. The narrow blade suggests
a fighting axe used on clothed enemies, and hence
beginning in Hungary rather than in Syria. The
Danish example, 129, is covered with fine spiral
pattern, dating it to the best period of the bronze
THE DOUBLE AXE
13
age. Other variants of this type are like 127, but
with a plain disc and spike, from Hungary (M. 2.3.2)
and from Bavaria (M. 1.4.2) ; also, without a spike,
from Hungary (M. 2.3.2). The strangest of all is
the Bohemian O 128 ; which end was used is hard
to say. An almost exactly similar form is said to
come from Hungary, and to be in the Zurich
Museum (M. 2.3.2) ; perhaps the attribution is
wrong, and they are two versions of the same speci-
men.
26. The more distinctly Oriental axe has flam-
boyant curves, merging into figure reliefs in the
truly eastern examples, as O 140, and the Hamdan
axe in the British Museum. Polished stone axes
with such curves come from Troy, O 130, 'and as
far west as South Jutland. Noting the absence of
such work in the western metal axes, it seems as
if the western stone axes must be due to importa-
tion, or to an invasion from the east of a small
group whose ideals of art soon perished. The
flamboyant type of axe comes from Perm, Western
Persia, the Caucasus, and the Caspian region.
Thence it spread into the west of the Black Sea,
in Hungary (134-136), where its finest examples
appear in the nine gold axes of Czofalva in Tran-
sylvania (O 139). The Persian development, O 141,
is evidently later, as the socket has been turned
almost to right angles, the blade is turned down
toward the hand, and the former back of the axe
is developed as the working edge. The Syrian
axe from Beyrut, O 142, is the later form of the
scolloped axe, A 168, with the holes further reduced.
This underwent a curious change on passing into
Central Asia ; the Minussinsk axe, O 143, has the
two oval holes shifted from the front to the back
of the haft, and thus reduced to a mere ornament.
This, in its turn, seems to be a probable source for
the Chinese forms O 144, 145.
THE DOUBLE AXE I (t) PL. XII
27. In the series of the Double Axe, the considera-
tions of its actual use, and origin, are complicated
by its having undoubtedly been also a ceremonial
object, and perhaps a standard of exchange of
a fixed weight. The ceremonial aspect of it has
overshadowed all else in recent years, in the study
of the Cretan symbols. It is therefore needful to
begin by seeing the utilitarian purpose of the form,
before considering the purposes of symbol or ex-
changes to which it was applied.
That the double axe was employed for ordinary
tree- felling in Nineveh is proved from the sculptures,
where the form T 21 is used. It appears as an
ordinary fighting axe in Etruria, T 18, 19, 20, 22,
23, 24, and on a cist, T 25. It is found made of
iron with a full-sized haft hole, and modified for
various uses, at Ephesos (35) and Pompeii (40, 44),
and in Egypt (T41, xiii), in which conditions it is
unlikely to have been ceremonial. It is still a tool
used by bricklayers. The great elongation of it
in Sardinia, T 10, 11, 14, does not seem as if a sacred
type were being maintained, but rather that it
was modified for use, perhaps for hewing rock.
In general, it seems reasonable — after seeing these
working examples — to suppose that all the axes
with full-sized hafting holes were for actual use.
28. On the other hand, a large proportion of
double axes have a hole too small or irregular for
a haft, or no hole at all. Such must have been for
purposes of either ceremonial or exchange. That
a type of weapon which was continually in practical
use might also have a ceremonial significance, is
shown by the great spear heads here figured, and
many other examples, see sect. 79.
29. Apparently the earliest form — most nearly
copied from stone axes — is that of T 1, 2. The
Hungarian example has a flamboyant touch at the
ends ; but this may be only local style, and not
show an Oriental origin of the weapon. From
these it may be concluded that the curved ends
as on T 3, 7, 8, 9, 13, 15 (early Minoan II), 16, 21,
are earlier than the square ends, as 5, 6. The use
of the square-ended type with a slight splay, is
dated to the 1st century B.C. by its occurrence
on the coins struck at Corcyra by the Proculeia
gens (12). It should be observed that the axes
with curved ends, 13, 15, have oval holes ; those
with flat ends, 4, 5, 10, have round holes. The
earliest dated example, however, from Mochlos, 15,
has a round hole and curved ends.
The local distribution of types explains much of
the history of the double axes. First, we see that
the axes intended for use, having effective hafting
holes, belong almost entirely to the Aegean and
Crete, also to Caria as shown by coin types, and
one distant branch in Sardinia. They are thus
limited to the Mediterranean. On the other hand,
the axes with ineffective hafting, and therefore
ceremonial, are not found in the Mediterranean
M
THE DOUBLE AXE
(except some in Crete) but belong to the north.
aeen are from Germany, six are Serbian, two
.-s, and two French.
Not only are the effective and ceremonial types
thus separated, but the ceremonial types vary in
their form with locality. On Lissauer's map in
his important article (Z.E. 1905, 519) the sources
are seen to be grouped in the Elbe Valley, the
Rhine valley, and some scattered in France and
Switzerland. On reviewing the varieties, it is seen
that each of these centres has its peculiar form.
A short form with narrow waist, and a mid ridge
(as 31) belongs to the Elbe basin, a long, narrow
form (as 33) to the Rhine basin, and a large bell-
shaped form (as 30, 32) to Switzerland and France.
It appears, then, that there are at least five different
forms belonging to different localities — the three
just named, the Aegean forms of Crete, Naxos, and
Mykenae (as 5, varying to 15), and the long Sar-
dinian form (14).
30. The theory which has been put forward that
all these axes were made in Cyprus, and distributed
thence, is thus strongly contradicted by the facts.
Not only is the type rare — or absent — in Cyprus
itself, but the entire separation between the effective
forms in the south, and the ceremonial in the north,
and the localisation of form in at least five separate
regions, could not occur by chance trading. More-
over the Rhine form is decorated with rows of
punch cuts, which is a style of western rather than
of Mediterranean ornament. It would seem absurd
to suppose all these peculiarities to be made in
Cyprus, or any other centre, and sorted out by
trade in five distinct regions.
31. Another consideration that has been put
forward is that these double axes are made of
definite weights. This view starts from the state-
ment in a gloss on Hesychios that the Greeks made
bars of 10 minae in weight in the form of the bi-
pennis or double axe. None of these double axes
are as much as 10 minae in weight, so the connection
is not certain ; and it would seem that ingots of
as much as 10 minae might be cast somewhat like
the larger trade ingots known to us, and be termed
bipennis as the best word for the form, without
implying the finished shape of a weapon, like these
axes. However that may be, the idea has been
followed up by showing that three of these axes
agree with the Aeginetan mina. The weights of
eleven axes are published, and we can proceed to
classify them all, as follows, in grammes.
Pyrmont .
Locras
Borssum .
Flonheim .
Mainz
Serbia
910 i\ of 607
3040 5 ,,608
616
1240 2 of 620
935 ii .. 623
. 628 628
Average 617
Petersberg .
Rheinhessen
Calbe, Saxony (two)
. 1000 2 of 500
. 1049 2 524
• 540 540
Average 521
Friedelsheim
Weinsheim
. 1445 2 of 722
• 73o 730
Average 726
Now these three averages are all well-known ancient
standards. 617 grm. is the Aeginetan, corresponding
to a drachm of 95 grains with variation 94 to 97.
521 grm. is the necef of Syria, corresponding to a
drachm of i6o"8 grains, varying from 154 to 166
as is usual. 726 grm. is the Phoenician, correspond-
ing to a drachm of 56 grains, or shekel of 224. All
of these are closely the recognised mean values of
the ancient standards. The distribution of the
standards is not separated by the regions ; Aeginetan
and 80-grain are in both the Elbe and Rhine basins,
but the two of the Phoenician unit are both on the
Rhine. It may be remembered that the great
octopus weight of Knossos is on the Aeginetan
standard, and both this and the Phoenician are
much older than the importance of Aegina or
Phoenicia.
32. What may have been the purpose of the
axes conforming to different standards of weight ?
It was not as mere rough ingots ; they are too well
finished for that. It could hardly be for the sake
of exact sale values, as they belong to an age
when such precise trading is scarcely to be ex-
pected. Rather should we connect these with the
standard weights kept in religious centres for public
reference. From the temple of Byblos come the
large marble standards with double breasts in
relief ; from the temple of Set at Nubt comes the
haematite head of a hippopotamus, marked with its
numeral value as a weight ; in the temple of the
Capitol at Rome were kept the standards of the
ADZE-AXES AND PICKS
15
Republic ; in the Serapeum of Alexandria were
the standards of Roman Egypt. It would be then
in accord with ancient usages if the weights kept
for reference in different centres had a religious
connection as ceremonial forms. The existence of
three different trade standards in a single region is
to be expected, seeing that half a dozen different
standards were used in each of the great commercial
countries.
One further matter must be noted, that — so far
as examined — these double axes are all of copper,
or the Serbian of silver, without any bronze appear-
ing. Possibly this was due to a religious archaism,
like the use of flint rather than metal in ceremonies,
or the dislike of iron as a new metal. Yet at least
it would show that bronze was not in universal use,
and the copper age forgotten. The period of these
standards of weight is then of the copper age, or
early part of the bronze age.
33. The conclusions are, therefore, —
1, that varieties are strictly localised, and made
locally ;
2, that while the southern examples were for use,
the northern were ceremonial or sacred ;
3, that they agree to three of the common weight
standards ;
4, that they may be the religious standard
weights of the Germanic and Gaulish trade, the form
being adopted, from the veneration shown to it by
the traders, as a religious emblem.
5, that they belong to 1500 B.C. or earlier.
A different type of double axe is found in Sar-
dinia, T 36, 37, which is linked to those having
tubular socketting. Much the same is found in
Central Asia (38), though the form of the ends as
a pick, axe, or adze, is not clear from the photo-
graphs. As the tubular axe, which is probably
Asiatic, reaches as far as Epirus (0 125) and Den-
mark (O 129), it is quite possible for it to have
been carried to Sardinia. The Norman boat-
builder's axe, T 34, was probably descended from
the forms in Roman use T 35, 40. The fine iron
double axe from Egypt, pi. xiii, T 41, is doubtless
also of the Roman family, being closely like T 40.
ADZE-AXES AND PICKS I (t) PL. XIV
34. From the double axe, a further step is to
make the two ends different in function. The
earliest change was to combine the axe and adze
together. This type began in the earlier part of
the bronze age, as in the beautifully made tools
from Sparta and Crete, T 45, 46, and the simpler
— perhaps earlier — form from Kythnos, 47. A
longer form appears in Sardinia, 48, similar to the
lengthening of the Sardinian double axe T 14, 36,
37. The tubular haft of the latter two is repeated
in the adze-axe. A distinct family appears in the
graceful long tools from the second city of Troy,
and from the Serbian mining region. T49 was
found by the mine of Brestovac, and T 50 at
Kanitz, near the gold mine of Slatina. An example
similar to T 51 is said to come from Hungary
(M. 2.3.2) ; perhaps this may be only a wrong source
for the previous example. These Serbian adze-
axes are all in copper, pointing to a very early date,
before those from Greece ; yet the fine form and
tubular haft indicate a later age. Perhaps the
supply of Serbian copper tended to continue the
copper age longer there than in Hungary or Greece.
After these tools of the full bronze age, or before,
there is a break, until the type recurs in iron, be-
ginning with the Nimrud pickaxe, 52, but mainly
of Roman age. The small example, T 53, from
Boscoreale (Pompeii) is most like the earlier Greek
of Kythnos ; and is a continuance of an early type
there, like the plain blade axe, A 54, of Boscoreale.
The class of large adze-axes T 54 to 60, resembles
the modern mattock. The reason for this may be
that they were for working in woodland, where a
main need was the cutting of roots, so that an adze
edge was required. Our modern pointed pick-axe
is for earth work, in cleared land where only the
breaking up of the soil is required. The form 61
is stated to be the francisca or throwing axe ; but
O 37, 109-112 (lxxix) are also claimed as the
francisca, and with much better reason, as the
pointed end to the edge would be more effective.
62 is a very heavy tool probably for smith's work.
The straight adze-axes 63, 64, are not for earth
work, but probably for wood splitting and trim-
ming. T. 65 is a leaden model of the same form
(pi. xiii) . T 66, 67 being much narrower may be
for stone working.
35. T 52 and 68 are the only true pick-axes.
The Central European type 70 has apparently a
blunt pick end, as also the Egyptian form 69 found
at Defenneh. These are so much alike that it looks
as if the Defenneh example had been brought there
by a Greek from Europe. T 71, 72 are stone-
breakers' or quarrymen's picks, like the modern
stone-pick. T 73 appears to be an adze-hammer ;
i6
THE ADZE AND HOE
from the angle of it, perhaps it is a cooper's hammer,
or a caulking tool. T 74 is a miner's pick-axe, with
a point to split stone, and an axe for trimming.
T 75 to 77 are miners' pick-hammers from the
Spanish mines. The typical miner's pick has varied
very little in the form and angle in the course of
ages. The Pompeian shapes, T 78, 79, are much
like the mediaeval, 80, and the later Dutch, 81.
The Norman pioneer's pick in the Bayeux tapestry,
82, is more square on the handle, but with the same
angle of point as the others.
CHAPTER III
THE ADZE AND HOE
THE ADZE : (z) PLS. XV, XVI, XVII
36. The adze is only second to the axe in impor-
tance as a primitive tool ; the distinctions between
the two forms have been already noticed. The
earnest adzes known are the small thin blades found
in the prehistoric age of Egypt, such as Z60, 61.
The edge view of many of the adzes is here shown
at the side of the front view. Later on in the
prehistoric (60 ? S.D.) a larger size appears, as 62
from grave 702 Naqadeh, 63, 64 from unknown
sites, and 65 from Ballas. Another (68), probably
later by its thickness, may come from the beginning
of the 1st dynasty.
Just before the 1st dynasty, or perhaps in the
reign of Mena, a sudden start was made, with a
much larger blade, considerably splayed, Z 8, 66, 67.
This — as we noted before — is closely of the Cypriote
form of copper axe ; and it is probable that the
new type in Egypt was an importation from Cyprus,
or from the same source as the Cypriote form.
37. Turning next to the European types of the
flat-topped adzes, the earliest seem to be the
copper adzes of pillowy forms from Sicily, Z 1, 2.
The unsymmetrical form of these, much more
curved on one side than on the other, shows that
they were attached on the flatter side, and not
used as axes. The same is true of the flat form
from France, Z3. The following figures are here
arranged in the order of increasing splay. This
is not always the order of development ; the forms
14, 15 are from early Susa, vaguely described by
de Morgan as of the " age of Naram-sin and Kham-
murabi," over a thousand years apart ; but the
form 29 is said to be the earliest from Susa, and is
much more splayed. The best line of study is to
note close resemblances of form, within a likely
range of trade. Thus the long narrow Egyptian
adze of the prehistoric age Z 23 is very close to the
Kythnos form Z 19, 20. The tapering to the top
in the Knossos adze Z 21 is like the Mykenaean
forms 17, 18, 22. The Cypriote form Z 7 may well
be the source of the Central Italian 10 and North
Italian 9. With more hammering of the edge it
might result in the Kythnos form 24, 25. The
latest form, 6, reverts nearly to the most primitive,
and the Madras iron, 5, has the same simplicity.
38. The round-topped adze began in Egypt with
the dynastic people, starting along with the large
splayed adze. Two new types arriving in the same
generation, are probably from the same source.
As the later bronze adzes, from Cyprus, have the
rounded top (Z 55, 56) it is the more likely that
the round-topped adzes of Egypt also came from
there, with the great adze. The form of the long
parallel-sided adze is a natural type in hammered
work, as shown by the Wisconsin form, Z30. In
Italy it is found curved (31), but this is very un-
usual. The parallel-sided adze is the earliest form,
in the generation before Mena (Z32, 69, 73, Tarkhan
tomb 412) ; it became slightly concave in the
sides during the 1st dynasty (Z 33 to 36, 70 to 72,
the latter of Zet at Gizeh). Similar forms are found
in Spain and Italy (Z 37, 38), perhaps also derived
from a Cypriote type. Next a rounded head began
to develop from the side contraction, at the close
of the iind dynasty (Khosekhemui, Z 74), and
early iiird (Z41, 42). This became a definite head
in the iiird dynasty, Z 45 . It next had a ridge below
the domed head, at the close of the iiird dynasty,
as in Z 76 dated to Sneferu ; see also Medum, xxix,
11. The forms 77 to 81 are immediate descendants
of this form, probably in the ivth and vth dynasties.
(Duplicates of 78, 79, 80, 81.) The dated examples
in the vth and vith dynasties have a rounded head,
Z 46 to 49. A slight ridge below the head is seen
in the xith dynasty, Z 50, and this may well be
the date of the similar example in Cairo, Z 51. In
the xiith dynasty, the round-headed adze appears
in a drawing, 52 ; but in general the forms of the
xiith dynasty show a degradation of the head, as
in 83, 84, from Kahun. Yet the idea lasted on to
the xviiith dynasty, as in the two models of
Tehutmes III from Nubt (87), and Quft (88), of
Amenhetep II from Thebes (89), and lastly of
Saptah in the xixth dynasty (90, from his temple).
THE LUG ADZE
17
A corrupt form is seen on an adze from Gurob (91)
of the xviiith or xixth dynasty. This series of
forms traceable over nineteen dynasties (4,000
years according to the Egyptians) — and dated to
within a generation in much of the course of it —
is the most complete history known of any type
of tool.
39. In some adzes of the xviiith dynasty, the
head entirely disappears, as Z 85 from Gurob. This
is so closely like the Italian form Z44, that they
may well be contemporary. A roughly pointed
head appears in the xxvith dynasty (57). The
round or polygonal head occasionally appears in
Persia (Z43), Greece (54), and Cyprus (55, 56).
The irregular form 58 is not an axe, as it is quite
thin ; this and 59 are very rough, and show that
the type was not important in Central Italy, though
it was well made at Lago Maggiore (Z44). The
example Z 75 from Egypt is without date or
locality ; it is very rude and not connected with
any form known there, yet it is too large to be of
the earliest period. Probably it is due to a bar-
baric invasion.
At the close of this series there are the signs of
a new type approaching. Z 92 has shoulders at
the sides, and bears an incised figure of a branch.
When bought, it was stated to be from Gebeleyn.
Z 93 from Gerzeh, about the xxiind dynasty, 900
B.C., has more distinct projections, and marks the
beginning of the following type. A similar form
occurs at Gezer.
THE LUG ADZE : (z) PL. XVIII
40. This type has been but little noticed hitherto,
yet it is very widely spread, and has passed through
several stages. The first suggestion of it may be
in the Cretan form, Z 94, where projections begin
from the side. The use of such projections cannot
be like that of the stop-ridge across an axe — to
prevent the handle working down on it. These
being on the edge do not concern the handle ; but,
on looking at the actual adzes on handles, as 133,
138, it is evident that the binding might work
down the adze, and come loose. These side lugs
are therefore intended to bear against the lower
turns of the binding. The swell on the Cretan
form, 94, would wedge up the binding ; and as
the lugs develop wider, up to 122, the binding
would be the better secured. The early stages
had a firm footing in Sardinia, 95 to 97. Another
3
early stage is in Hungary, 98, and we have seen it
similarly in Egypt, 93. It is of no use to regard
the late stages, 107 and onward, in looking for the
source of this type, as they must have arisen later
than the slighter forms ; and this order of growth
is confirmed by the far advanced forms in iron,
Z 116, 122. The simplest beginnings are in Egypt
92-3, and in Crete 94. A further point is that
the start must have been near Sicily, as the type
reached Sicily (101, 104) and South Italy (103)
during the copper age ; everywhere else it appears
to be of bronze or iron. The source therefore seems
to have been in, or near, Crete. Its spread to
Hungary and Western Persia need not have been
contemporary, but may have been moving east-
ward, while later forms were developing in the
Mediterranean. In any case it points to the im-
portance of western forms having travelled east-
ward. That Crete should influence Spain, in Z 99,
is quite likely ; this Spanish form turns the lug
upward to retain the binding more securely. A
curious variation in Spain is the adapting of lugs
to a socket adze, Z 106. In the simpler form, the
adzes with lugs passed to Sicily, Italy, Spain, and
Ireland, on the west ; to Egypt, Hungary, and
Persia, on the east.
41. The later development was that of lugs
sharply square with the blade. This proceeded in
Epirus (109), Italy (107, 108, 112), Sicily (114),
and the British Isles (1 17-120) . Eastward it reached
Syria (in). In the northern route, it followed
the earlier type to Austria (115) and the Crimea
(no). This was, however, late in its course, as
most of the northern forms are of iron, in which
metal it spread to Hallstatt, Saxony, Bosnia, Silesia,
Styria, and Poland (113, 116), and in its most
marked form to Poland and Hanover (121, 122).
As regards the date of it," the beginning must be
while Sicily and Italy still used copper, that is,
before the close of the First Siculan period. This
is connected at Cannatello with a form of bowl
with drop handle which is characteristic of the
xviiith dynasty and onward (Peet 450, 453) ; and
as the close of the copper age in Egypt is just before
the xviiith dynasty, it may well be contemporary
with the same stage further west. This type, then,
could hardly have started later than 1600 B.C. in
Crete. It had not advanced far by 1000 B.C. in
Egypt (the earliest date for Z 93) . Yet on its trans-
lation to iron at 800 b.c it was fully developed
(113). The further change of adding a projection
i8
THE ADZE AND HOE
at the top, to hold the binding, is the work of the
iron age. As no trace of this type is found with
Roman remains, it probably died out about 400
B.C. killed by the advance of socketting.
42. The hafting of adzes is figured in early ex-
amples from Egypt, 123, 124, used by ship-builders.
The handle was about five feet long, and the blade
about a foot long, evidently the great adze blade,
Z 8, 66. The shorter form is figured in the xiith
dynasty, 125. From the xviiith dynasty is the
model of the adze, 128, at the top of pi. lv. The
latest example of Egyptian hafting is the pair of
O^zes said to be from Abydos, 132. In these, the
blade, the wedge, and the band are of iron ; the
old system of binding has given place to a massive
iron band and wedges ; yet no haft hole seems to
have been adopted. Probably these are ceremonial
implements of Ptolemaic times. A wooden cere-
monial model of an adze is in pi. xvi, 131. Some
modern examples of stone adzes are given, to show
modes of lashing on the handle, 133, 134, and the
transition to an iron blade inserted into a wooden
handle, 135. The adze with a socket hole finally
superseded all the methods of binding. It was
probably a variation of the socketted axe in its
origin, and does not seem to have been adapted
from any of the unsocketted adzes. It probably
arose independently, in the west under Rome, and
in Persia. Z 136 is the Roman adze-hammer ; and
137 the double adze. Another form of attachment
to the handle was by adapting the adze with a
band, as 132, to a long, straight handle as in 140.
In this the old form of the adze handle (as in 132,
133) is continued, and the band which held on the
upper end of the blade ; but, to retain the blade
better, two strips of iron pass along the sides of
the handle. This method of fastening became
usual in mediaeval and modern hammers. In this
form, Z 140, the blade is bent in order to bring it
at right angles to the hand holding a straight
handle; the older adze kept the blade straight,
and bent the handle to bring the hand at right
angles to the cutting movement. The blade here
is reduced to a rod at the upper end, ending in a
ball. The tool thus produced resulted in an adze-
hammer, bent as before, but with a tubular hafting
for the handle, as 138. This was a very common
form in Roman times, there being eleven at Naples,
and others at Mainz. A somewhat similarly bent
form, but with a plain haft hole, was found at
Sikhester, Z 145 on pi. lxxviii. A short adze-
shaped tool, perhaps a rivetting hammer, is shown
in 141. 142 is a link between the adze and the
tubular axe haft, such as O 42, 123. It was found
in the beginning of the late Celtic level, in Wookey
Hole, belonging to perhaps about 50 B.C. ; it seems
to be another of the changes of the axe types to the
adze form of cutting.
43. An entirely different family is the eastern
adze, adapted from the eastern axe. The original
figure of 143 is vague, and not certainly axe or
adze ; but the angle of it is that of the adze 144,
and is much better suited for adze than for axe.
144 from Mesopotamia has the Oriental relief bands
to strengthen the socket. The western socketted
adze is not common. One of iron from Egypt, is
probably Roman, pi. xiii, Z 146 ; a sketch of a
similar one at Florence is 148, no date or scale.
The same form adapted to a gouging adze is found
at Silch ester, 147 on pi. lxxviii. A figure on an
Etruscan sculpture shows apparently an adze-
hammer, Z 149 ; and an adze with a tubular haft
was used in mediaeval times, Z 144. In the East,
the socketted adze, rather like Z 146, is universally
a carpenter's tool, for trimming wood and hammer-
ing, used throughout Russia, Turkey, and Egypt.
Thus the adze, though secondary to the axe
throughout historic times, still retains a large
amount of use in the world.
THE HOE : (j) PLS. XIX, XX
44. The use of metal hoes has not been hitherto
recognised, but these forms have been classed along
with axes and adzes all together under the vague
term of celt. From the unsymmetrical profile in
all cases (as J 19), it is clear that the hoe cannot
possibly have been used as an axe, but must have
been used parallel with the adze. The very weak
socket, generally not even closed round, proves
that it was not used on any material which had
elasticity or strength to hold it. The bluntness of
the edge which is found in many cases shows that
the material wrought on was rough and loose, as
earth. The very wide thin blade, as J 33, 50, 51,
could not have been used on anything firmer than
light soil, without bending or breaking. We are
justified therefore in taking most of these blades
as garden hoes, while leaving the question of the
cast sockets (J 34 to 38, 53 to 55) to be considered
later.
The forms J 1, 2, show the early Egyptian hoe
THE HOE
19
without a cross tie, which was intended for a garden
tool. For agriculture the heavy hoe with a cross
tie was used, see sect. 151. The double-pointed
hoe seems to have been intended for light soil,
rather than for clod breaking. The forms 1 and
2 have evidently a blade bound on to a wooden
arm ; such blades originally were of flint, and
may have continued so down to the xiith dynasty.
The first dated example of the metal hoe is the
largest, J 39, found with a group dated by a spear-
head with the name of Rameses II. This is some-
what narrow. Two models of Saptah, 47, 48, are
rather wider ; and two in a group of about the
xxiind dynasty from Gerzeh (41, 42) are shorter
and wider. The splay seems to increase as time
went on ; and therefore the narrowest forms from
Cyprus, 4 and 5, are probably the earliest (see also
those from Enkomi, b.c. 250). The whole of the
other examples of moderate width 7 to 25 are of
iron, and therefore later. Among the Egyptian
bronze hoes, 45 is from Memphis and 50, 51 from
Bubastis. J 56, of iron, was found wiLh an iron
chisel, C no, pi. xiii, in the ruins of the temple of
Amenhetep II at Thebes. J 57 and 58 are from the
Ramesseum, and therefore probably not later than
700 B.C. J 59 is of Roman age from the Fayum ;
it is shown on a lesser scale with its handle, on
right side pi. lxxiii.
45. The source of this type might well have been
Egypt. In no country are these hoes so usual
in the bronze age, and the few bronze hoes from
Cyprus might have been made for Egyptian use.
If they were made in Cyprus, about 1300 B.C., they
would travel by trade to the other countries. It
is strange that there are none from Greece, Italy,
or Spain, except the large Roman 31, and Perugian
15. After these the most southern is La Tene, 10,
29, 30. Then on the west, Chalon (21), Dorset
(17), Sussex (18), and Sweden (23, 24). On the
east Carniola (7, 9, n, 19, 22), Styria (12, 13, 14,
25), Boleske in Hungary (8), and Kiev (6). It
would be very unlikely that a northern form in
iron, presumably not before 800 B.C., or 1200 B.C.
at the earliest, could originate bronze forms in Egypt
of 1200 B.C. ; nor is it likely that Egypt would
introduce forms to the north. Cyprus is more
likely therefore to have been the distributing centre,
though the main use and invention was probably
Egyptian.
The cast socket hoes have usually been classed
as axes. When symmetrical, the form is am-
biguous ; but those from Egypt, 53, 54, have never
been sharpened, and were left with the rough-
cast rounded edge ; further, 55 is askew and there-
fore not an axe. It seems as if they were hoes.
Similar forms are from Hungary in copper (37),
and from Central Asia (36) and British Isles (34,
35) in bronze. An iron tool like these (38) is stated
to have been found on a handle, mounted as an
axe. It would be needful to make sure that such
is the original mounting, and that it had not been
turned, since it was used. Altogether it seems
doubtful how these cast sockets were used. They
might be spuds, instead of hoes or axes. The large
iron hoes, 58, 59, are probably the parents of the
modern hoes of Egypt.
CHAPTER IV
THE CHISEL \ (c) PLS. XXI, XXII, XXIII
46. For classifying the great variety of chisels,
the method of holding them is the main distinction
to be followed. The divisions are
A— D
E— G
J— M
Bare metal.
Tang in handle.
Handle in socket.
Each of these divisions may be alike divided into
four classes, lettered separately — A square bar, B
deep bar and narrow edge, C thin and wide edges,
and D circular bar ; in the other divisions marked
E to G and J to M. Thus there are twelve classes
of chisels, and the gouges which follow are arranged
similarly. In the photographs and drawings there
are often two views of the same tool.
A, the bare metal chisel, without any wooden
handle, is the earliest type. It is found even in
the first period of prehistoric Egypt on a very small
scale, as a kind of hand graver ; it is sometimes
sharpened at each end, C 44, 45, 46, pi. xxii, proving
that it was held entirely by the middle. These
three are from graves 807 (S.D. 49), 63 and 297
(S.D. 38), Naqadeh. (Also duplicate of 45, 45 with
one end pointed, 45 one end square.) Later, the
use of end pressure became usual, and a mere pad
of wood was put on the end, which was accordingly
made flat, as in the first-dynasty chisels C 1, 2, 3.
The prehistoric chisels slope on both sides, but in
the first dynasty the single slope — or true chisel
edge — was preferred. At Susa, the earliest chisels
THE CHISEL
(4) are very similar, with a double slope. A little
hand-graver with an edge and a point, comes from
the Heathery Burn cave, C 5. The small square
bar continued long in use in Egypt, shown here
at the end of the iind dynasty (Khosekhemui,
C 47), at the beginning of the iiird dynasty (C 6),
at the end of the iiird (C 53, Nefermaot, Meydum),
in the xviiith dynasty (C 57 Amenhetep II ; C 60,
61, 62 El Amarna), in the xixth dynasty (C 63,
64, Saptah ; C 66 Ramesseum and duplicates),
beside others of unknown date, C 59, 65, 67, and
smaller duplicates of 67 from Amarna and Gurob.
The square chisel was also used in Europe, such
as the beautiful square bronze forms from North
Italy (C 7, 8), and the later iron chisels from Idria
in Carniola, and from Greece (9, 10).
47. B. The chisel was not only used for cutting,
but for levering out the pieces cut ; this was
especially needed in the large amount of mortise
cutting, done for the joining of planks edgeways.
The weakness of the square bar soon led to deepen-
ing it, to gain strength for levering out the chips
from the narrow slits of the mortise holes. This
form began with the first dynasty (C 12 to 15), was
shaped with a chisel end in the iind dynasty (C 48),
and with the double slope (C 69, both Khosekh-
emui). In the iiird dynasty the mortise chisel is
usual (C 15, 17, Hen-nekht ; C 18, 19, 20, Neter-
hen). A large and very deep chisel is of the vith
dynasty, C 23 and probably of the same age may
be C 71. Of the vith and xith dynasties are models
of this form, C 21, 22, and 70 from the tomb of
Emsaht, Siut (and duplicate). Large deep chisels
belong to the xviiith dynasty, as C 82, with edge
view of tip at the side, and C 58, 83, 84 from Gurob.
C 56 is of Tehutmes III from Nubt. Sometimes
handles remain, as C 73 from Gurob, and C 86 of
Amenhetep III from Kahun, with C 85 showing the
side view of an exact duplicate of 86. The broken
tip, 89, from Quft is probably of the same date, and
so may be 87 from Gurob and 88 from Quft. The
type is last seen in the models from Saptah's temple
(xix) of which 74 and 75 show the two views. 72
is undated, as also a smaller one from Quft.
This deep chisel with double slope is one of the
tools peculiar to Egypt, and not recorded from
any other country.
48. C. The wide chisels are seldom found in
Egypt, and are more usual elsewhere. They occur
as early as the first dynasty, C 24, 25 ; and larger
in the iind dynasty, under Khosekhemui, C 49, 50.
After that there is no wide chisel, except the massive
tool (which may be ceremonial) with the name of
Aohmes I, C 68. This weighs 21,003 grains, just
three pounds. From Ireland comes a beautiful
little graving chisel (27)* with a wide and a narrow
edge, and a cross bar to grip it by in the middle ;
this is part of the goldsmith's group in the British
Museum (note that being bronze tools, they could
not be used to cut equally hard bronze). The flat
iron chisels were known at La Tene C 28, but are
mostly Roman (29 from Athens, 30 Rhine, 31
Pompeii). As this is the modern caulking iron or
chisel, they were probably ship-builders' tools.
The Dutch mason's chisel is C 32.
49. D. The round bar chisel is that generally
used by stonecutters ; the stout body of it with-
stands heavy blows without bending or shortening.
The early round chisels are slight, and were perhaps
used in sculpture, as C 51 from Gizeh, iiird dynasty ;
and in the xviiith dynasty C 55 of Tehutmes III
from Nubt. The regular stonemason's chisel is the
stout form, as C 33, 76, 77. The latter has been
cast in a V groove, and then roughly hammered
round. A better formed example of the xixth
dynasty is from Sinai, C 34. C 78, 79 are masons'
chisels of the xiith dynasty from Kahun ; the
latter was found with the largest copper mirror.
C 80 is the only chisel with the owner's name ;
the first sign is indistinct, it has been read mer
" Overseer " or neterkherti " Miner," next is " the
elder Ambu." It is probably of the xiith dynasty.
A similar chisel of the xixth dynasty was found at
Serabit in Sinai, C 35. C 81 from Memphis is
dated to Rameses II, by being found in his founda-
tions {Memphis I, 12). Two small round chisels
of iron are in pi. xiii ; C 36 was found in the ruins
of the temple of Amenhetep II with C no, probably
dating before the xxvith dynasty. C sy is from
Gurob, probably Roman. Passing from Egypt, we
find that the round bar chisel occurs at La Tene,
C 38, 39, at Pompeii C 40, 41, 42, and at Silchester,
43 (lxxviii), but it is perhaps the least usual form
of chisel.
50. E. The Tang chisel, to fit into a handle, is
scarcely found in Egypt before Roman times. As
a formal matter we are bound to class the chisels
with a handle, C 90 to 95, with tang chisels ; but
it is most probable that all of these were of the
forms 12 to 23 which were used either with or
without handles. The distinction of two forms
of handle should be noted ; for striking, the handles
THE FONDERIA CHISELS
21
were centred, as 90 to 94, but for graving by pres-
sure, the handle was fitted on the side of the blade,
which was retained by a side-loop of the handle
as 95. This form of handle seems to have been
suggested by the adze-blade fastened on sideways
to its handle ; the use of it may have been in order
to detach the blade easily by pushing the butt of
it, so as to use it in a different manner.
The first period in which true tangs and flanges
were adopted is the grand development of tools of
the bronze age, best fixed by the immense fonderia
deposit of Bologna. This hoard of thousands of
damaged bronze objects, anciently collected to be
melted up, gives a group closely of a single age,
perhaps 900 B.C. The square bar form is seen in
C 10 1 and 104, which has been bent, and the little
chisel from Gorzano, west of Bologna (C 116).
C 108 is so like a modern brick-dresser that it is
probably a mason's tool. The square bar chisel is
varied by the truncation of the edges, forming an
octagonal bar, as m the large and beautifully
formed chisel 115, from the fonderia. Later are
the iron chisels, with a stop ridge on each side.
This type is widely spread, C no, pi. xiii, from
Egypt (in the ruins of the temple of Amenhetep II),
C in from Nubia, 112, 113 from the Assyrian group
at Thebes, and C 114 from Westbury on Trym.
The latter would point to this type being of Roman
age, but it is not found in the Italian or Germanic
Roman work.
51. F. The deep-bar, or mortising chisel, is a
usual form at Bologna, as C 96 to 103. The points
of 97, 98 have been sharpened irregularly, probably
as hand gravers ; though broken off, 96 to 101
appear to belong to the tang chisels. The regular
Roman mortise chisel is C 118, and a slender form,
perhaps derived from it, is the Madras chisel 120.
A fine example of the tang mortise chisel, with
handle and ferrule complete, is C 119, pi. xiii, from
Wushym in the Fayum, of Roman age.
52. G. The broad tanged chisel may perhaps be
credited to the xviiith dynasty, from the figure in
C 109 ; but the first well-formed example belongs
to the fine bronze age of Italy, evidently of the
same family as the fonderia group, though now at
Florence, C 121. This has a very thin blade, appar-
ently for surface shaving. Another bronze one is
from Como, C 122. Others are of iron, in the
north Italian 105, the Greek chisel from Naukratis,
C 106, and the broad chisel probably from Assyria,
though found at Thebes, C 107. The iron shaving
chisels of Roman age are from Pompeii, C 108,
123, and from the Fayum, C 124 (xiii). The same
form is found in Sweden C 126, and is shown in the
Dutch example C 125.
H. Only one example has been noticed of the
round tang chisel ; among the varied forms of
the fonderia group is the specimen C 127 from
Bologna.
53. J. The socketted chisel was invented about
the same time as the tang chisel, both first appear-
ing together in the fonderia group. The socket was
square in most of the earlier examples, though
usually round in later times. The specimen C 128
has unfortunately lost the end, so it is not certain
in form ; it is finely made with bold ribbing round
the top to strengthen the socket. The socketted
chisel was also developed in Peru, and commonly
made by hammer- work and lapping.
54. K. The deep-bar mortise chisel C 129 has
a wide end to clear a cut, evidently for deep mor-
tising ; it is from Castel Porpetto near Palma,
now in Udine Museum. A similar chisel, with a
fluted square socket, source unknown, is in Stettin
Museum, C 130. A much narrower socket appears
in C 131, source unknown, in Munich Antiquarium.
Almost the same type as these is found in Styria,
133, and in Central Asia, C 132. (A similar one in
Wiesbaden Museum, M. 1.5.3, is of unknown source.)
This suggests that a large number of examples
must be missing, in the transit over so long a
course ; and it should be remembered that most
of the weapons which we know, have come from
graves, while there was no inducement to bury
tools in the same way. But for the fonderia dis-
covery we should know very little of the great age
of Italian tools ; and no such groups, or ancient
towns, have been cleared in the long spaces of
Eastern Europe and Asia. Hence our knowledge
of the distribution of tools must be much more im-
perfect than what we know about weapons. A
model from Naukratis (135) shows the same form to
have been used in Ptolemaic times. All the pre-
ceding are of bronze, but the type lasted into the
iron age, as at Idria, Carniola, C 134. The Norfolk
specimen, 136, is most like that from Palma, as the
blade does not swell out wider than the socket. The
French form, 137, seems more akin to the Greek
and Roman. So far we have dealt with double-
slope chisels.
The single-slope chisel begins also with the
fonderia as C 138 ; but in general this was a later
M
THE CHISEL AND GOUGE
type than the previous, as the other examples are
of iron. A very slender chisel comes from Dodona,
144. The stout one from Pompeii, 142, is much
like three Roman chisels from Silchester, 139 to
141, pi. lxxviii. The socket chisels from La Tene,
145 to 147, do not seem to be very deep, nor is the
model from Naukratis, 149. The French form 148
is fairly deep. The Yorkshire specimen from
Heathery Burn cave, 150, does not seem descended
from any of the previous, but rather as if the
maker knew of the idea, and carried it out with as
little metal as possible. The modern Dutch form
161 does not look very deep, but yet it was used
for mortising.
55. L. The flat socketted chisel seems to have
begun in Italy, as in the Chiusi example, C151,
which by its thinness was hardly made for an axe.
The type passed northward, to Styria, 152 ; and
east to the Greeks, who carried it on to Naukratis,
154. The Norwich example, 153, looks like inde-
pendent work, without a model to copy, as was the
Yorkshire, 150. In Italy the form continued com-
mon in Roman times, 155, 156. It passed into
France in the bronze age, 157, if this should be
classed here, and not as a derivative of 128-133.
M. The round-bar socket chisel seems to be
entirely Italian. A slender one, 158, comes from
grave xv at Bologna, of bronze, though dated as
umbri ultimo, or late La Tene period. A short and
wide one was in the fonderia, 160. The small one,
159, seems derived from the Italian type, and it
may have been brought from Italy though now in
the museum at Stettin.
56. The gouge is much less common than the
chisel. This is strange, as it is very useful in hollow-
ing out wood, owing to its cutting all the grain,
and not needing to break the grain through at the
sides of the cut. It is almost entirely a northern
tool, there being only three (Bologna, Vetulonia,
Athens) from all the Mediterranean area. The
reason probably is that the southern woods are
harder and break away short, while the northern
woods are more open and stringy, and the grain
requires cutting through. There are hardly enough
examples to trace the course of varieties. The
fluted socket, 165, seems to be copied from North
Italian bronze, and the tool might have been im-
ported to La Tene. More than half the examples
are from the British Isles and Siberia, the northern
range of tools ; in view of this it is curious that
there are none from Scandinavia.
CHAPTER V
THE KNIFE '. (k) PLS. XXIII— XXIX, (U) XXX, XXXI
57. The various types of cutting and slashing
tools and weapons may be sorted in eleven classes,
according to their forms. No distinction can be
made between tools and weapons ; not only are we
often ignorant as to the actual use, but also the
same knife might be used for any purpose that was
required. The classes are numbered as follows :
58. Flaying knife, sharp around, weak handle, 1-13,
xxiii.
59. Straight backed, 16-56, xxiv.
60. Straight edged, 57-75, xxv ; 216-226, xxviii.
61. Hollow backed, 76-99, xxv.
62. Hollow edged, 100-111, xxv ; 214-234, xxviii.
63. Recurved, 112-167, xxvi.
64. Crook-backed, 168-189, xxvii.
65. Khopesh, 190-202, xxvii.
The Symmetric Knife (U).
66. Double convex, 1-23, xxx.
67. Double edged, 24-69, xxx, xxxi.
68. Sword (E), 1-39, xxxii.
The broad difference in size between the knife or
dagger, and the sword or rapier, is — that the knife
or dagger is used at close quarters on an enemy
held, or within reach — the sword or rapier is used to
prevent an enemy coming to close quarters.
58 (pis. xxiii, xxxi). The flaying knife is a well-
marked form from the prehistoric age of Egypt,
Ki being of s.d. 49; K4 (xxxi) from Tarkhan
(grave 22) is of early 1st dynasty (also a duplicate),
and evidently 2 and 3 (and two duplicates) are of
nearly the same age. These knives are sharp all
round, slightly dished so as to fit over the curves of
an animal's body, and have a weak handle unfit
for much pressure. These details all agree to the
use for flaying ; and the safe removal of skins
from animals, for water skins or dress, must have
been an industry which was all the more important
before weaving became common.
K 5 is sharp all round, and is perhaps a dynastic
flaying knife.
K 6 is only sharpened on one edge ; it may there-
fore be a side-razor, rather than a flaying knife.
K 7, 8 (xxiii) are later flayers (and duplicate of 7),
more roughly made. K 9 is a flayer from Asia
Minor. K 10 is called a spud or chisel, and from
the photograph it is not clear which edge is sharp.
From the small size, and weak handle in proportion
STRAIGHT-BACKED KNIFE
*3
to the blade, it seems like a flayer or razor. There
is a puzzling class of Italian tools K n to 15, and
other decorated forms in B.P. 1902, 120-4 ; 1903,
28. The most decorated seem to agree with the
description as " sacral palettes," though how used
is not clear ; other simple forms as K 11, 12, seem
more like razors or flayers. The use of these
various forms cannot be settled without examining
the edges to see if they were sharpened for cutting,
and what part might be so used.
59. Straight-backed Knives. — The flint knives K 16,
17, 18, represented in paintings of the xiith dynasty,
seem to be the earlier forms, from which the metal
type was derived. The same form is shown in the
ivth and vth dynasties, K 19, 20. An actual knife
of copper of the same form, K 22, is dated to the
vith dynasty, and probably 23 is of the same age.
This form was nearly arrived at in the independent
copper work of America, 24 ; and another American
form, 28, is near that of the Egyptian copper
knives, 26 and 27. These resemblances naturally
arise from similar needs and materials. Other
examples of these Egyptian knives of copper are
K 227 (at top), 239, 240, pi. xxix. The last one has
a house sign cut upon it. All of these are self-
handled knives, having handles made in one with
the knife.
Another class are the tang knives, made for
wooden handles. K 21 is a model of the xiith
dynasty, corresponding to the vith-dynasty
blades. K 29 is probably of the xviiith dynasty,
agreeing with the blade of Tehutmes III from
Koptos K 235, and that of Amenhetep II from his
foundation deposit, 236. From a Nubian tomb at
Buhen, of the age of Tehutmes III, is a knife with
handle in one, K 30. The knife from Troy, 31,
had probably a single curve, like 32, before it was
reduced by sharpening. K 32 is an Italian form.
Some straight backs have an almost parallel edge,
such as K 228 from the tomb of Khosekhemui
iind dynasty ; K 33 from Rhodes was probably
similar to this before it was reduced by sharpening.
K 233 (and a duplicate), perhaps the latest of the
bronze straight backs, has an elegant curved handle
ending in a duck's head, apparently late in the
xviiith dynasty or early in the xixth.
The iron straight-backs are not early, as none
of the Hallstatt period occur. The largest develop-
ment was in southern Germany, K 34 from Trau-
bingen, and similar from Franconia. The butt is
evidently a degraded animal head, see K 92, 93, a
fashion of that region. Such a large size was prob-
ably for hunting. The long and almost straight
knife, 35, from La Tene is like the Egyptian forms,
210, 211. 210 from Oxyrhynkhos is said to be
Arabic. Other long forms of straight-back occur
in Egypt, K 255, 256, from Tehneh, probably pre-
Roman. Knives with a loop or turn at the end of
the handle, were doubtless to be hung at the girdle.
Such is a fairly early type, occurring at the Rames-
seum, K253, probably of 700 B.C. or earlier, also
at Gurob, perhaps Roman. This is the usual
form at La Tene, K 37 to 40. A similar form of
blade from Stillfried (41) is of bronze, which implies
a fairly early date for the preceding examples.
Of Roman age is the pointed straight-back, K42,
from near Mainz, K 259 from Hawara in the Fayum,
with a wooden handle, and probably also K 258
from Egypt. K 207 was probably the same form
originally : it is from Gurob. These take with them
K 43 to the Roman age ; part of the handle (of
wood?) has decayed but the pommel of ivory still
remains. The wide and clumsy forms from
Bologna, K 44, 45, are of the latest Umbrian, just
before the Gallic invasion, 600 B.C. ? ; they re-
semble a coarse blade, U 70, from Hawara, and the
late Livonian, 46. A rather earlier blade of the
same family is K 47, of the Umbri posteriory Pro-
bably K 203 was of the same form before it was
worn ; it is from Oxyrhynkhos.
Roman blades have the round socket for a
handle, K48, 49. Perhaps the blades in pi. Iviii,
Q 27, 28, 29, may also be knives, though they
seem like parts of shears. K 50 is probably pre-
Roman, by the resemblance of the bone handle to
that of the bronze knives 165 to 167. The sharp
turn of the end of the handle in 51 to 54 looks as if
it were derived from the handles just named. The
little broad knife in a bronze handle, 55, is a common
form among surgeons' instruments at Pompeii.
The mediaeval mason's pick, and chopper for
trimming the soft limestones, are seldom represented,
so a dated instance of 1362 at Bologna is valuable,
K 56. It is closely like the modern Scotch butcher's
cleaver. With this must be classed the same form
K 260 (xxxi), stamped with the hieroglyphs Ra-ne-
mdot, belonging therefore to the funerary service
of Amenemhot III in the late period, and found by
the ruin of the Labyrinth at Hawara.
60. Straight-edged Knives. — The first group of
these, K 57 to 64, are girdle knives, with a loop for
hanging. They link K 57 (duplicated as U 16)
THE KNIFE
with U 17, 18, 19 ; and K 60 with K 124 to 129.
The forms K 57 to 64 show a similarity in very
different regions. The Sicilian (58), Spanish (60),
and French (64), may well be of one family ; and,
if we include the British from Tring (62), the Danish
(61) may also be accepted. A difficulty about the
British knife being native, is caused by the animal
head on the handle. This is like the Bavarian and
Oriental animal heads ; but the knife handle, 63,
from Gloucestershire points to this type being also
British. This type of knife then seems to hold
together over western Europe ; and what then of
the Chinese 57 being similar ? In pi. xxx there is
a strong connection in the form, and angle of the
blade with the handle, between the La Tene U 17,
the Siberian U 18, and the Chinese U 19. It
seems as if there had been some relationship between
the west European and the Eastern Asiatic groups.
Another blade of much the same form though
tanged for a handle, is from Como K65.
The short knife, K 66, is entirely of bronze, both
blade and handle, and therefore probably early.
The same form of blade is of iron at La Tene, 67.
Similar knives from Egypt are K 216-219, the latter
from Oxyrhynkhos, also a duplicate of 218. The
steeper ended blades are usual from the Rhine, 68
(like the modern shoe-maker's knife), Italy 71, and
Egypt, 69, 70. The Egyptian knives are not dated ;
two are of bronze, 220 is of iron from Oxyrhynkhos,
and the last, 226, is a model of wood.
The handle of 72 is intended to protect the
hand, like the handle of E 40, and of the swords,
E 32, 35, 36. This shows that it was for rough
work, probably a hunting knife. K 73 is a mag-
nificent specimen, with steel blade inlaid with
designs of bronze, and with a bronze handle made
to fit the fingers. It is the only instance of a
combined blade of two different forms ; the straight
part gives an exact cut, as in cutting up an animal,
the hollow part gives a strong cut, as in trimming
a branch. The same curved back is seen in the
surgeon's knife, K 74, and the curious knife, 75,
which is of bronze entirely cast in one piece. 252
has a bronze handle to the iron blade.
61. Hollow-backed Knives. — These are intended
for sweeping cuts, especially required in hunting
knives for cutting up game. They are of large
size, extending up to the dimensions of the smaller
swords. The type begins with the flint knives,
usual from the first dynasty in Egypt. The same
continued in use till the xiith dynasty, as in K 76,
77. The copper knife of the same form, in the Old
Kingdom, is K 78. In the xiith dynasty the same
appears at Kahun, K 243 ; and in the xviiith
dynasty there is the fine form 232, with the gazelle-
leg handle. Just the same outline of blade is con-
temporary with this at Knossos, K 79, and also a
blade much wider at the end, 80. Pointed crescent
blades belong to the late Umbrian age in North
Italy, 81, 83, and to France, 84. Another similar
form in Egypt, 82, may be contemporary with
these, as another like it, 87, is of the xxvith dynasty.
This is perhaps descended from a form which is
probably of the xiith dynasty, 241 : another
Egyptian knife, much the same, is 245. A similar
curve was used at Mykenae, 85 ; this has the
original end, square and unbroken. Much straighter
forms occur in Egypt, as 86, 88. Sweden has a
small curved knife of the hunting type, 89, with the
hollow handle, which is generally eastern in origin.
The great hunting knife was of the largest size
in Egypt, 90, with a handle formed by plates
rivetted on either side of the sheet of the blade.
These handle plates were probably of horn. Un-
fortunately neither date nor locality of this ex-
ample is known, and there may be a doubt as to
its antiquity, see D 27, 28. A similar form, 91,
comes from the Marne. A broader form occurs in
Bavaria, 92, which is dated to the first La Tene
period, 93 is undated. The handles are more or
less modified from birds' heads. An independent
derivation of the curved-back knife is from Wis-
consin, 94 ; this is very much like the Egyptian
form, 242. The curious little knives, 98, 99, are
stated to have been toilet instruments.
62. Hollow-edged Knives. — These are mainly for
cutting material which is held in the left hand,
such as food, or grass in India. This type is unknown
in Egypt until introduced by the Romans. The
earliest example is from the great tombs at Mykenae,
K 100, like one from Cyprus, 101, and another, 102,
with continuous handle, from Colophon. The
Syracusan 105 is probably of a different family,
varied from the form of 58. The fewness of these
examples in bronze is evidence that this was an
unusual type in early times. In iron it is much
commoner. From Egypt there is the bronze knife
234 (and duplicate) with a duck-head handle ; and
also pieces of such knives in iron, K 214, 215, and
others which vary the form to a cut off at the end,
K 221, 222, 223 (214, 222, 223, are from Oxyrhyn-
khos.) The Italian form 104 is dated to the Gallic
RECURVED AND CROOK-BACKED KNIVES
25
period ; and very likely of the same age are 106
to 109. It is remarkable how closely the form
from Idria in Carniola, resembles the grass-cutter's
knife or sickle from Madras, no. Much the
same curve was evolved for fighting purposes in
mediaeval France, in.
63. Recurved Knives. — This is the best and most
varied type of the knives. The motive of it is to
combine two forms, the convex edge for a wiping
cut, and the hollow edge for a heavy cut. There
are several divisions of type. 112 to 120 are but
little developed from the preceding plain forms ;
all the examples are from the Central Mediterranean,
except the probably independent form 115, in
the South Caucasus and Armenia. 121 to 129,
with the back curving round from the handle, are
all northern forms, from Hallstatt out to Siberia ;
the one from Ancona was probably an importation
down the Adriatic. 130 to 140, 231, is a Sicilian
and Egyptian group, with a branch to Troy and
the Euxine. In Egypt it only appears after the
Mediterranean wars of the xixth and xxth dynasty ;
it is coloured blue for iron, which was then a foreign
material for Egyptian weapons (135 and 136 are
two versions of the same original). It seems
therefore to belong to the Shakalsha-Siculi, who
were raiding about by sea, and may have passed
up to Troy. 231 is of bronze, apparently made in
Egypt, with a gazelle-leg handle. Such a handle is
reported to occur in the xiith dynasty (Reisner, in
Boston Museum Bulletin, xiii, 79), but we await
further details of that dating, and the present
example being L^m Gurob is of the xviiith
dynasty. The group 141 to 147 extending over
Troy, Mykenae, Crete, and Egypt, seems to have
originated the striking development in Italy 149
to 167. Along with 141 from Troy, compare 244
from Egypt (Gurob, xviiith dynasty). With the
similar form, 146, from Troy, compare 229 from
Thebes. 230, which is plainer than most of these,
is a Hyksos knife from Tell el Yehudiyeh ; this
may be one of the prototypes.
The flamboyant Italian knife, 149 to 167, is never
found in Egypt, nor anywhere in the Mediterranean
outside of Italy. In its southern earlier forms the
handle is in one line with the back, as from the
fonderia, 161. La Tene northern forms of it always
have the handle central, and the back projecting,
as 156 socketted, 162 tanged. An approach to this
latter form is in the Hallstatt example 151. This
later age of a different form in the north points
4
to the type originating in Italy. Starting there
about 900 B.C. (K 161) it went north at about 700
to 600 B.C. It died out about 300 B.C. (K 153 with
iron blade), but not later, as it was never made
entirely of iron, except in Franconia (K 149), which
is probably the furthest and latest stage of it. The
openwork handles of 153, 154, are of well-known
Italian work (see pi. lxx), and the Hallstatt handle
(151) was copied from these. The ring and open-
work handles were largely adopted in Germany,
see many from Mecklenburg M. 1.8.4 ; but as such
work is well fixed in Italy and Sicily (K 58), it
probably originated in the south, and thence was
carried north. This flamboyant knife is remark-
able for having four entirely different forms of
handle. The socket is the earliest (161) ; next is
the openwork handle in bronze at Hallstatt and La
Tene ; the enclosed handle (165-7), being all bronze
in one casting, may be the third ; the tang (162-4)
is entirely northern, and probably the latest. The
form of 161 is widely spread, in Italy, Switzerland,
France (middle and west), mid-Germany, Tyrol and
Hungary (see S.V.).
64. Crook-backed Knives. — If we accept the guid-
ance of the metal, there can be no question that
this form started in Italy in the latter part of the
bronze age. The two splendid examples in bronze
from Pesaro (184) and Cuma (187), overlap the
beginning of iron, as the Pesaro blade is duplicated
in iron, from the same place (185). Other bronze
knives are from Spain (183), and La Tene (173),
which place was always linked with Italy. This
was then another product of that mechanic fertility
of North Italy, which gave the world the chisel
forms and the flamboyant knife in such perfection.
The motive for this form, in the early large stage,
was to cut through the hide of animals, by turn-
ing the back concavity toward the body, and
ripping through the skin, edge outward. This use
(I am informed) survives on the Continent in cutting
hard skin on cooked meat ; the form is still very
commonly made.
The next stage is of much interest. In the ruins
of the store-rooms of the Ramesseum some tools
lay scattered, and nothing there was as late as
700 B.C., so that any iron discovered was of an early
date for Egypt. Probably 800 to 900 B.C. would
be the period. The iron knives 246, 247, 249, 250,
251, 253, were all from that site. 246 is important,
as the handle is of bronze, cast upon ^he iron blade.
This implies that iron was still more valuable than
26
THE SYMMETRIC KNIFE
bronze, and was only used for its superior quality.
246 is slightly crook-backed ; 247, which is clearly
of the same family, has a marked hollow in the
back. 250 appears to have had the same originally.
These are perhaps the earliest iron knives of the
type. On the Italian side the Pesaro and Ancona
iron blades (185 186) copy the bronze type ; and this
is found up the Adriatic in Carniola (188), doubt-
less all belonging to Noricum. We have no links
between these and Western Persia where it recurs
(172) ; but so peculiar a type is more likely to have
travelled over this gap than to have been re-in-
vented. The type was commonly adopted by the
Romans, and hence may have come the Pyrenean
177, the French 174, the Rhine forms 179, 189, the
Crimean 168, 169, the Oxyrhynkhos examples 204,
208, 209, and the Anglo-Saxon 170, 175-6, 180-1.
The mediaeval form 182 may perhaps be derived
from the sabre type, as E 32, 33, xxxii.
65. The Khopesh. — This name is adopted from
the Egyptian, as there does not seem to be a con-
sistent name for the type in modern times. The
peculiarity of the type is the deep hollowing of the
back, and the projecting of the edge far in advance
of the handle. By its great curvature it was in-
tended for a wiping cut; and the retreat of the
handle behind the edge was to protect the hand
from the subject, and to gain a few inches of dis-
tance. TIiC e^hest dated example of the form is
a small knife with the name of Tehutmes III, 190.
But the type seems more Oriental than Egyptian,
it only appears in Egypt after Oriental fashions
had spread there, it occurs in Mesopotamia (191)
and Assyria in 1300 B.C. (201), and it passed to
Bavaria (192) more probably through the Oriental
connections of Hungary than across from Egypt.
The treatment of the form varies considerably in
Egypt. It is interesting that in 198 and 199 the
handle and back rib are yellow (bronze), while the
blades are blue, apparently of iron. These small
copies of sculptures, by the proportion of the
figures, show that the weapons were in all cases
larger than these two actual weapons that we
have, 201, 202. These both had handles inlaid,
probably with plates of horn or ivory.
THE SYMMETRIC KNIFE I (u) PLS. XXX, XXXI
66. Double convex Knives. — These have the back
and edge both convex, and almost equal. The
type was unknown in Egypt till Roman times. It
seems to have originated in early Greece, where it
is in Crete U 1-3, 11, Sparta 4, 5, Mykenae 6, 7, 8,
Nauplia 12, and in Sicily at Pantalica 9, and
Taranto 10. These include nearly all the bronze
examples, and stamp the type as of southern Greece,
passing on to Sicily and South Italy. The early
iron blade from the Ramesseum, K 249, xxix, is not
unlike the later forms of bronze blades. With the
large square Italian handle, the type appears in
iron in North Italy (13), and passed out north to
Bavaria (15). The resemblance of the skew handle
of La Tene (17) to that of Central Asia (18) and
China (19), is remarkable. The utility of it for
giving a dragging cut, rather than a pushing cut,
seems unlikely to have caused so nearly the same
angle to be adopted. The Minussinsk example
being of bronze, while the La Tene knife is of iron,
indicates that the form travelled from Asia to
Europe, if there be a connection.
This blade was adopted in Epirus, 20 ; and the
later forms were wider, as in the iron blades of
Syracuse, U 21, .and Egypt U 65 (Medinet Habu),
65 and 67. The Krems knife, 22, is probably of
Roman origin ; and 23 is Italian, like the small
knife with long handle from Oxyrhynkhos, K 205 .
A very clumsy iron knife from Egypt, 214 (xxviii),
has no European parallel.
67. Double-edged Knives. — This is one of the
types almost peculiar to Egypt, two-thirds of the
examples coming from there, against one-third from
all the other countries. The type starts with the
great expansion of copper tools at the rise of the
dynastic people. The great "knives then made,
U 24, were never exceeded in size. The tang was
retained till the iiird dynasty (25 to 27) ; later it
became only a continuation of the blade in the
vith and xiith dynasties (28, 29), The tanged knife
U 63 is probably of the Old Kingdom by the form.
In the xiith dynasty the change took place of
making the handle all in one with the knife, as in
U 49 and 59 from Kahun (also two duplicates of
59). Similar knives continued to be made in the
xviiith dynasty, as U 61 from Gurob (and dupli-
cates from Gurob and Amarna) — worn down by
sharpening, and U 62 (duplicate from Gurob, and
duplicate with curled-over handle, from Kahun).
The beautiful leaf-shaped knife, 58, belongs to the
latter part of the xviiith dynasty, dated by U 55,
57 from Amarna, with which go 52, 53 from Gurob,
54 (duplicate from Amarna), 58 (and duplicate) and
the slender 56 (with duplicate from Gurob). A wider,
THE SWORD
27
clumsy form came with the xixth dynasty, dated
by 50 from Saptah's deposit (and two with coiled
handle, Gurob) ; this fixes also the knives 48
(Gurob) and 51, also two from Gurob, and another
between 48 and 51, and two smaller from Gurob.
The larger dagger-knife 60 is like one in the
British Museum, 30, of xviiith or xixth dynasty.
The long leaf blade (and duplicate of half size) of
bronze recurs in Roman times, as 64 from Oxy-
rhynkhos. A very wide blade of iron, with iron
handle covered with wood, belongs to the xxvith
dynasty, U 31 from Defenneh, and K 254. Also a
long straight knife is from Defenneh, U32.
Turning to the few European examples of double-
edged knives, there are three long straight blades
from Mykenae, U 33, 34, 35 ; 34 is unusual as
having the handle in one with the blade (compare
E 1). The Spanish form, 37, is evidently of the
same type, and probably the Sicilian 38. This is
then a Western Mediterranean family, quite different
from the Egyptian. The Spartan form 36 stands
quite alone. The knife-dagger, and socketted knife
from Heathery Burn, 39, 40, are also independent
forms. The blade K 248 of iron must be early,
from its relation to the bronze leaf swords, see E 2.
The figures 41, 42 from Peschiera are called knives,
but look more like small daggers, see D in, as also
does the Swedish 43. The Anglo-Saxon 44 is a
pocket-knife, and 45 is stated to be of the scrama-
sax type. Examples from Mainz, M. 1.7.6, 3.2.5,
termed scramasax, are likewise equal-curved ; but
the name is also applied to the crook-backed knife,
K 175. The Indian forms, 46, 47, suggest daggers
or spear heads, rather than knives. Thus the
double-edged knife was but rarely made outside of
Egypt, and there is no family of them except the
British examples, and the few straight bladto of
the Western Mediterranean.
THE SWORD : (E) PL. XXXII
68. The varied forms of the sword— blade, pommel,
and chape—have been so fully discussed by Naue
and others, that there is no need to deal with them
here, especially as the weapon is foreign to Egypt,
and very rarely was imported. A few forms are
given on pi. xxxii, and examples of two families
which are scarcely connected with Egypt, but are
of interest. These are all to a scale of 1 : 10.
Of swords properly so called, there is only one
from Egypt, pi. li, E41, right side; this is of iron
with fragments of the bone handle. The seller
stated that it came from Defenneh, and the blade
and handle are closely like the sword from the
xxvith dynasty palace at Memphis (Memphis iii,
xxxviii). Both are probably Persian swords.
Of rapiers, or thrusting swords, there are three
from Egypt, pi. xxxiv, in the series of daggers.
D 39 is rather unusual in the depth of the hilt with-
out any tang. It differs in this from the Italian
forms, and I have not exactly met with it else-
where ; one from Cyprus (N.V. vi, 4) is so near an
approach that it would be futile to look further.
D 40 is dated to Rameses II, and is closely like the
broad rapier, D 18, carried by the Shardana auxi-
liaries ; this is placed in D as it compares with
other Egyptian daggers. D 41 is a typical Cypriote
rapier, and may have been imported to Egypt in
modern times or anciently.
The bronze sword of Vapheio, E 1, which (though
only single edged) is a larger version of the Mykenaean
double-edged knife, U 34, shows how little the
typical sword blade of later times was then in view.
E2, 3, 4 are of bronze, and carry back the iron
double-edged knife, K 248, to the beginning of the
iron age, by the close similarity of form. This type
seems to have started in North Italy or South
Tyrol, and to have been brought to Egypt by the
northern invaders, both in bronze, 4, found at El
Qantara on the Suez Canal, and in iron, K 248.
The long bronze rapier typical of Hallstatt, 8, was
brought into Egypt, as 5, 6, and 7 ; the latter is
dated by the names of Sety II, about 1205 b.c.
The hilt is seen developing in 9, 10, and II. The
narrow tapering form of rapier appears early in
Spain, 12, probably connected with the Shardana
blade, D 18, 19, 40. That type goes under in
later times, until it reappears in Anglo-Saxon
burials, 13. The swords 14, 15, 16 belong to the
early iron age in Sweden, and 17 to 20 to the later
iron age. These Swedish weapons are nearly all
swords, sharp on one edge, and not rapiers sharp
on both edges. The strange form from Perugia
(Frontone) was probably attached to a wooden staff
to give it strength.
In Egypt there is the sickle-like weapon, E 23,
which seems without parallel elsewhere. The falx
24 from Etruria was curiously paralleled in the
Burgundian glaive, E25. This shape may throw
light on a strange form in the foundation deposit
of Saptah, K 237.
The flamboyant sword from Cassibile, E 26, in
28
THE SWORD
bronze, perhaps about 700 B.C., is strangely like an
iron sword, 27, from St. Michael, Adelsberg in
Carniola, but connection seems unlikely.
A curious type, E28 to 31, must apparently be
of Dacian origin. It figures as a national weapon
of the north on the silver signum of Niederbiber
(31), and is found in Carniola (29, 30). Compare
with these, K 183-189. The example from Pesaro
must have descended the Adriatic. It is the
ancestor of a weird form of knife, U 71, which I
bought in Egypt ; from its condition the latter
might have come in the last few centuries from
Slavonia.
69. Perhaps the most picturesque form of weapon
is the sabre, E 32-39. It is well described by
Achilles Tatius in his romance ; he says that in a
picture of Perseus the hero was " armed with a
weapon between a straight sword and a scimetar ;
from the hilt to the middle it is a sword, it then
partakes of both, remaining sharp so as to inflict
a wound, and becoming curved in order to follow
it up and improve the stroke " (Book viii). The
Gurkha fyukri is the same type of weapon only
shorter, and thus broader in proportion. Probably
it was a legacy of the Bactrian Greek kingdom.
The form of 32 seems strange for action, with
two separate curves in the edge ; yet the position
of the guard leaves no question as to how it was
held. The variations of this type in Italy and
Spain, and on Greek vase paintings, are clearly of
the same family, and all appear to fall between 400
and 100 B.C. The source is probably Italian,
adopted in Magna Graecia, and spread to Spain.
E 40 at the end is of the hunting knife type (K 92,
93) ; but the bronze handle suggests defence so
much, that it may well have been ded in warfare.
The fragment of a sword and handle E 42, li, from
Egypt, is probably of Crusading age; the large
circular pommel belongs to the xth to xivth cen-
turies (see D. W. 165, 167, 180, 182, 185, 374, 375).
CHAPTER VI
THE DAGGER I (d) PLS. XXXIII TO XXXVI
70. As the Egyptian daggers are so numerous,
they give the best dated series for comparison ;
they are therefore taken as a whole, first of all,
before noticing the daggers of other countries.
Apart from the Egyptian daggers, the main division
is by the method of attaching the handle. The
earlier portion of the European forms are rivetted
on to a handle, the later have a tang, which may
even become a handle. Those which have both
tang and rivet, are in form like the tang-, and unlike
the rivet-, daggers. They are therefore classed with
the tang daggers. It must be remembered that
the dagger passes indistinctly into the knife on one
hand, or into the spear head on the other hand.
In view of that it is placed here between those two
weapons.
The Egyptian dagger is unmistakeable, from the
earliest to the latest. The handle, generally sur-
viving in the dry climate, fixes its purpose as in
no other country. The earliest example is, happily,
quite complete, although broken (D 1, xxxiii) : it
is dated about Sequence Date 50, or the earlier
part of the second prehistoric age. The blade is a
plane sheet of copper. The handle of ivory is
curiously formed ; it is scolloped out so as to leave
two horns overlapping the blade. This appeal s to
be the prototype of the later handles, with side
horns running along the blade. There is one small
rivet. The second dagger has lost the handle ;
but as it is from the same cemetery, and as the
previous handle would be quite applicable to it,
there is little doubt that both were mounted alike.
This second blade, D 2, has a slight thickening to
the middle.
An entirely different type is D 3, of s.d. 60, with
a sharp mid-ridge and hollowed faces. It is the
perfection of stiffness for its amount of metal, in
contrast to the weak, flat blades just noticed. This
is of the same form as the Cypriote rapiers (see
D41); and, when contrasted with the other
daggers, it suggests that the Cypriote type was
already established, and that this was imported
into Egypt. Apparently derived from this is the
wooden funerary model dagger, of painted wood,
the handle blue, the blade white, D 36. It was
found at Lahun, 1888, probably of the xiith dynasty.
A long handle is also shown by the wooden models
179, 180, 181, pi. li ; 179 is from Tarkhan of
s.d. 78.
71. Unfortunately no daggers remain to us from
the Old Kingdom, nor do I remember seeing any
represented on sculptures, except in the hand of
a Syrian or Edomite child in the siege scene
Deshasheh, pi. iv. Contrasted with the next age,
it looks as if the dynastic race did not use the
weapon. The xiith dynasty, on the contrary,
abounds with daggers. There is the plain blade
THE DAGGER
29
with a crescent butt, and a good grip to hold
(D 4) ; there is also the discoid butt, which must
have been held with the fingers on either side of
the handle, as in D 6 which is dated to Senusert III.
The latter handle was the regular type of the xiith
to xviiith dynasties. Probably of the xiith dynasty,
or perhaps the xith, are the beautifully made
blades D 37, 38, 42, 43. These have parallel lines
of ribbing in relief running down the mid-line of
the blade, of exquisite regularity. This decoration
is peculiarly Egyptian, for I have not met with a
single example of it from other lands ; everywhere
else the decoration is parallel to the edges, as in
D 95. From the form of the handle of D 46 it is
of the same date as D 5. The form of the xivth
dynasty is given by D 7, 8, 9, which have flatfish
blades with a slight wide band down the middle ;
the form is poor and weak, a great contrast to the
exquisite shapes of the earlier daggers. The
Hyksos dagger, D 10, has been narrowed by sharp-
ening, but originally it was like 8 and 9. D 44,
though clumsy, is not as bad as those of the xivth
dynasty, and it has ribbing on the mid-line ; pro-
bably it is about the xiiith. D 45 has a faint flat
ridge of the Hyksos type, but it is probably of the
xiith. The clumsy shape of D 47 might raise doubts
of its antiquity ; but the rusting of the rivets to
red oxide of copper is certainly ancient. The lines
impressed on the blade are unlike any Egyptian
design, and it is probably a foreign blade, handled
in Egypt in the Hyksos age. Naue (N.V.) does not
give any example of pattern lines concave toward
the handle. The blades 48, 50, 51, are probably
of the xiith or xiiith dynasty, as also the set of
funereal models 53 to 58. These last were not
models for currency values, as the original amounts
are quite irregular, 43 to 106 grains.
72. The xviith dynasty is "rell represented by
the Aoh-hetep dagger's and others. D 11, 12 T^,
show that the general type of the xiith dyr.abty was
modified by a narrower blade, more length of the
side clutches, and a shorter space between the
circular handle and the heel of the blade. The
exaggerated handle and slender waist of 14 mark
it as an ornamental weapon, much like a dagger in
the Berlin Museum (G.W. 40). It lately appears
that this was a Nubian form of the xiith dynasty,
and therefore imported into Egypt (see Reisner,
Boston Mus. Bull, xiii, 80). D 15 may be of the
xviiith dynasty, by its resemblance to the knives
U 60, 61 ; and with it may go D 49. The dagger
with a falcon-head handle, 16, is probably invisible
in its sheath, as it is worn in the belt. D 18, 19, are
evidently the same, only one plain, the other
decorated. There is no question about the source
of 18 as it is carried by the Shardana auxiliaries.
These large rapier-daggers clearly show that the
source of D 40 was from the Shardana ; it was
found at Gerzeh dated to Rameses II. Curiously
like this type is the much smaller D 17 from the
Caucasus. The small daggers, 20, 21, with mid-
rib, differ from any that we have from Egypt, by
the leaf form and handle. They rather suggest
that they are an importation from the terramara
people, such as the blades D 112, 117.
The famous dagger of Aoh-hetep, D 23, is unique
in having the heads on the gold handle. It should
be noted how the openings under the crescent handle
in 5 and 6, change in 12, and become dwarfed in
14 ; thence we see the origin of the two semicircular
openings at the top of the blade in 23. The other
dagger of Aoh-hetep, 24, is purer in the curves,
and in the grace of the form. Evidently of the
same family is the dagger 25, with a band of spiral
pattern round the handle. The round butt recalls
closely the earliest handle, D 1. A dagger, 26, of
evidently the same type, with spirals, is from
Cyprus.
The two large blades, 27, 28, are of the same
family with D 59, and D 27 was apparently bought
with K 90. I was offered D 27, 28, or some like
them, in Egypt, but did not feel satisfied about
their age. They have never been sharpened, as 28
and 59 have the original casting duct left at the
tip. The crude work of them is not like ancient
style ; and the enormous handle two inches thick
on 27 and 28 would be almost impossible to grasp,
far exceeding cny dagger handle known. The
wW; '. handle here otherwise is only 1} inches,
D 169. In no case are they Egyptian work of any
ancient period.
73. The inlaid handles are an interesting class,
D 22, 29 to 35, 52. They seem of one family, but
widely spread. All are of bronze. Four are
Italian, two Greek, three Egyptian, one Ninevite,
two from the Caspian. Other weapons with such
handles are K 201, 202 ; one Assyrian and the
other an oriental form in Egypt. Thus there is a
balance on either side of Egypt, as regards numbers.
Such an idea seems far from being Egyptian ; and
as a question of personal impression I should cer-
tainly put the source in the east rather than the
30
THE DAGGER
west, though I do not see any proof as yet in the
internal evidence. The little model bronze dagger
with a hawk's head, D 60, is Hungarian or oriental
in motive, but it might be a Roman copy of an
eastern original.
74. We turn now to the comparative series.
PI. xxxv is arranged with the rivetted blades on
the left, and the tanged blades on the right. PI.
xxxvi is of tanged and handled blades. The
Spanish blades, D 61, 62, 65, are put here with the
dagger series, by their form; but they are only
found in the graves of women, and never with
men ; the men have other weapons. This seems
conclusive that they are knives for domestic use,
and not daggers. The obvious wear that they
have suffered, agrees to their being knives. Weapons
are seldom used, and scarcely ever worn away ; if
there has been much wear it shows that the blade
has been in daily use. Knives such as K 33, 146,
253 show heavy wear ; and so do some dagger
forms, as D 68, 96, 101, 102, 122, 134. These early
forms, 62, 65, are also found in copper from the
Italian lake dwellings, 63, 64. Looking at the large
number recorded as being of copper (61-65, 74,
76, 81, 87, 99, 101, 108-110, 113, 122) it seems
probable that most of the simple forms are really
of copper, which has not been distinguished from
bronze in the description. For instance, 113 is of
copper ; 112, like it, is recorded as bronze found
with flint implements, and so in the eneolithic
period, therefore probably of copper. Moreover
the other implements from St. Blaize, 81, 101, are
of copper. Hence it seems that two-thirds or more
of pi. xxxv should be credited to the copper age.
Some simple forms however are of bronze, as 68
from the Bologna fonderia. The prehistoric Egyp-
tian D 1, 2, agree most nearly with the forms 70, 71,
74, 75, from La Tene, Mochlos, and 1 if.is ; this is
to say, they belong to a type so widely spread tliat
no conclusion can be drawn as to its source.
A distinction in general style may be seen, as the
rhomboidal outlines, 72, 77, 78, 79, are of North
Italy, while the longer blades with hollowed edges
are from the south, Spain (87), Sicily (84, 102, 107),
Crete (82, 83), and Egypt (85, 37, 38, 42, 43).
Another characteristic is the C-shaped rivetted
plate, 91 to 95. This is only found in the north
and west, not on the Mediterranean ; the places,
in order, are England (91, 94), France (95), Po valley
(95 at Polada by L. di Garda, at Castione by Parma,
and at Verona), Switzerland (95 Walks), Oberbayern
(92), Bohemia (93), Halle (95), Denmark (92).
Thus there are none south of the Po valley, nor
on the Mediterranean coasts. The decoration with
sloping lines like 94,95, is also found in North Italy,
Parma, and West Prussia.
75. Among the tang daggers the large knife- like
blade, 108, 109, no, 139, 140 (N.V. xiii), is Egyptian
and Asiatic, and never found in Europe. The date
in Egypt being Hyksos, its origin is probably en-
tirely Asiatic, and imported into Egypt. The
hafting by a notched end, in to 114, 119, is
peculiar ; it seems copied from a stone type, and
occurs along with flint implements; the sources
are North Italian and Swiss, but one from Cyprus,
119, suggests that as a source. The blades of the
same form, with rivets, are likewise all north
Italian.
PL xxxvi gives the high- shouldered blades.
These from 130 to 147 are all northern or Asiatic ;
a few in the Po valley, and one in Crete, are the
most southern examples. The resemblance of detail
in 136 and 138 suggests that the Wiltshire dagger
may have been a Cypriote importation. The
Cypriote 140 shows the source of the Tyrian 139,
and both may be as well classed as knives, with the
Egyptian, U 24. In the Spanish daggers the
straight base to the hilt, 148, 149, 164, may well
be due to the Keltic invaders. The self-handled
daggers with pommels, 152 to 157, are peculiar to
Sicily. The system of hammering up the edges of
the handle to round it for the hand is Italian, but
widespread, see 152, 168 from the terremare of North
Italy, U 10 in the south, U 9 Sicily, U n Knossos.
Winged flanks to the blade are remarkable and
rare, but very scattered. In the east in Palestine,
162, in the west in Spain, 163, and northward in
Epirus, 161. A variant may be the rapier, 170,
from the Caspian. Leaf-shaped blades are also
»ndely spread, from Spain (164), North Italy (165,
167, ±5$), Crete (169), and the Caucasus (166).
The long straight blades are northern, 174 to 177,
but appear also in India (178). Until there are
many more examples of these various forms, with
some approximate dating to each, it is useless to
guess what were their original sources.
THE SPEAR HEAD \ (il) PLS. XXXVII TO XL
76. The classification of spear heads here follows
the form of the outline. The convex outlines come
first, in order of width ; then the straight-edged
THE SPEAR HEAb
3i
forms, the concave-edged, the scolloped, the barbed,
the very narrow spears or pikes, the fin-blades, the
flat unribbed heads, lastly the butts of the spear
shaft. With the spears are also included all sizes
of lances, as it is impossible to find any dividing
line. The spear itself was often thrown, even of
full size. Only the arrow heads are here separated,
as being so small that they require the velocity of
mechanical impulse to drive them to a distance.
The spear heads that we have are nearly all of the
bronze and iron ages. The only examples appar-
ently of copper are four early ones from Egypt,
165-167, 170 ; the great spear from Telloh, 137 ;
and the Wisconsin spears, as 140. Representations
however show that the spear was common in the
copper age ; the row of warriors on the battle relief
of Eannatum (S.D. 3") carry large spears, of the
same form as 137, but ten inches long, and four
examples are given here (15, 29, 65, 89) of Egyp-
tian figures of spears. These show that we have,
so far, missed nearly all the early history of the
spear. That lies probably in Syria and the East,
which have been so little examined ; it would be
impossible to suppose that it was used in the
western copper age of Italy, when we have so full
a variety of weapons from that period without
any trace of it.
Some of the spears of the bronze age may never-
theless be of copper. A suggestion of this is given
by the instances of a hammered instead of a cast
socket. That is the regular feature of iron spear
heads (155-164), because the iron could only be
wrought, not cast. In examples of the bronze
age, as 128-9-130, 139, 143, 165 to 171, the hammer
work is obvious, and some of these may be of
copper, or only slightly alloyed. The regular type,
before the iron age, is the cast bronze socket. This
casting was carried out by cire perdue, and so skil-
fully that, in some instances, the metal was no
thicker than cardboard.
77. The great article on the development of the
British spear head by Canon Greenwell (Archaeo-
logia, lxi, 439) gives good grounds for the tracing
of the dagger into the tanged dagger, the use of
that as a spear head, the addition of a ferrule to
prevent the splitting of the wood, the union of
ferrule and blade, the omission of the tang, and the
ferrule-socket being extended into the blade as a
mid-rib ; then the omission of the rivet, as a source
of weakness, the addition of loops to tie on the
head, and the shifting of these loops up into the
blade. Now we have seen before, instances of
apparently original design in the remote region of
Britain, following some known idea of type, but
not making a direct copy ; such are the dagger-
knives U 39, 40, and the socket chisels C 150, 153.
Hence it would not be at all unparalleled for the
spear head to have had an independent history in
Britain. That such a history was apart from its
course elsewhere, is shown by the absence of loops
outside of Britain, as noticed by the Canon ; and
also by the long course of lapped hammered sockets
before cast bronze, and the many examples in the
East long before there was any bronze for casting.
Hence we need not take this theory of British
development into our consideration of other sources.
Only one instance of the looped spear head is given
here, 83, merely as being one of the great ceremonial
spear heads.
78. The spear was apparently used in various
different ways. The broad blade is found scolloped
out irregularly, 90 to 95. This could not add to its
attacking powers, and it seems to have been a
swaggering imitation of damages received in hard
fight. Apparently the broad blade was used as a
kind of long sword for slashing ; and this would
explain the great width of the blade, in order to
inflict a deep wound before being stopped by the
shaft and midrib. The thrusting spear was neces-
sarily of different shape according to whether the
enemy was bare or wore skins, or any kind of
armour. The Egyptian, the Mykenaean, and the
Briton fought bare, the Greek and the Roman
armoured, the Gaul with basketwork shields, as
shown by statues in Marseille Museum. On the
bare body a wide spear head would be most
effective ; and the more the defence, the narrower
must be the spear to penetrate it.
79. The spear has been in various countries an
object of ceremonial dedication, if not of actual
worship. The great specimens are evidence of
this, being far too large, and with too slight a
socket, to have been actually used in fight. See
the Chinese ceremonial spear head of 761 a.d.
(79), that from Sweden (80), from Chiusi (82),
Croydon (83), Italy (84, found with three others
alike), also (85) of iron. Above all, see the immense
blade from Telloh, with dedicatory inscription
(137). The Sacred Spear (^6yXv, Joh. xix, 34)
seems to have been sanctified as St. Longinus of
Christian legend. Livy mentions as an omen that
" the spear at Lanuvium had shaken itself "
32
THE SPEAR HEAD
(xxi, 62), and that one of the divination tablets
was inscribed " Mars shakes his spear " (xxii, 1).
Another omen was " the spear of Mars at Praeneste
moved forward of its own accord " (xxiv, 10).
Spears were also kept in the temple of Moneta
(xxxiii, 26). Later there was reported by the priests
an omen that " the spears moved " (xl, 19). Thus
the spear was a sacred emblem in the temples, and
regarded as a source of divination.
Other weapons have in different countries been
looked on as sacred, or as emblems of the gods.
Herodotos (iv, 62) describes the Scythian altar of
Ares, " On this heap an old iron scimetar is placed
by each tribe, and this is the image of Ares, and
to this scimetar they bring yearly sacrifices of cattle
and horses." Ammianus (XVII, xii, 21) says of the
Quadi, " drawing their swords, which they worship
as deities, they swore to remain faithful." The
sword was the sacred emblem for making an oath
binding. Jordanes (Hist. Goth, xi) says of Attila
that his self-confidence was increased by the dis-
covery of the sword of Mars ; this was found by a
shepherd, who presented it to Attila. Thor was
represented with the hammer in his hand (Heims-
kringla, Olaf the Holy, cxviii). The sacred Ancile
was guarded by the Salii. In Rome the public
health was believed to depend upon the ceremonial
driving of a nail by the dictator. " There was an
ancient law written in antique letters and words,
that whoever is supreme officer should drive a nail
on the ides of September. It was driven into the
right side of the temple of Jupiter . . . there were
seen at Volsinii also nails fixed in the temple of
Nortia, a Tuscan goddess, as indices of the number
of years " (Livy, vii, 3).
80. Regarding the form of the blade, some
preference may be seen. The angular outline, 16
to 23, is Germanic in half the examples, and the
rest are of North Italy, except a Mykenaean and a
Georgian. The rounded outline 1 to 15 is Ger-
manic in only two examples, and extends south to
Spain, Egypt, and South Syria. Considering the
mixture from flux of population, it is not too much
to call the rounded the southern, and the angular
the northern type. The long leaf blades seem to
have been used equally north and south. The
beautifully fluted stems, 31, 32, are on a scale of
1/4, to show the detail. The earlier Egyptian forms
fall into the convex class. 165 is of the beginning
of the 1st dynasty from Tarkhan, 168 is of the
xixth dynasty from Gerzeh, 170 is from Thebes.
All of these have hammered and lapped sockets.
They are most nearly comparable with the Cumean
spear 30, in outline and form of rib. The iron
spear 175 was found with a sling at Lahun, pro-
bably about 800 B.C. ; it most resembles the Spanish
iron spear, 37.
' A form with a full base to the blade is of the
Western Mediterranean, 46 to 52, Spain, Sardinia,
Cuma, and Otranto. The celebrated spear head of
Kames, 57, stands by itself as regards the two
ferrule rings, but is most like the Mochlos and
Mykenaean 56, and the Riqqeh head (178), of the
reign of Rameses II. There do not seem to be
local classes among the few scattered spear heads
with straight edges, 52 to 66.
81. The next division is of the concave edges 69
to 85. The Egyptian head 167, from Retabeh in
the Wady Tumilat, is partly broken ; it may have
been a wider form of 174. The long, almost parallel,
sides of 166 is most like the Caspian example, 62 ;
it might have been an Asiatic importation.
The concave edges are mostly North Italian,
twelve out of eighteen, the rest are scattered north
and south. The resemblance of the Italian forms
86, 87, and the Anglo-Saxon 88, to the Syrian 89,
is probably accidental, as they are of very different
dates. The scolloped blades, 90 to 95, are very
usual in the north, especially in the Slesvig deposits
of Roman age. The scolloping was done in the
making ; and, as it would be of no use for fight-
ing, it seems as if it were made in imitation of
blades that had suffered in the fight. The barbed
heads, 96 to 100, are probably for lances, to be
thrown and to hold on the enemy, so as to in-
commode him.
The Madras form 101 looks more like a dagger,
by the tang ; but the little triangular knob at the
base of the blade is like that on a family of arrow
heads from Egypt and Dodona, R 126, 129. The
very narrow blades, 102 and onward, lead into the
pikes, 108 to 121. They are on the whole northern
rather than southern ; the two southern regions
being those which were overrun by the northern
Keltae, Dodona, and Spain.
82. The fin-blade is a curious type, of which an
explanation is given in the British Museum by the
Vancouver example, with a piece of shell fixed in a
divided stick, 124. This material alone would not
explain the form, but it was probably a fish spear
originally, with barbs to hold the fish. No. 125
from Knossos is probably of this type, looking at
THE SPEAR HEAD
33
the straight sides of the blade swelling out toward
the tip. No other form of spear has this character
except 127, 128, 131, 132, here. Beside the Knossos
example all the others, 126 to 133, are from Egypt
or from England. Beside these, 173, 174 (and two
duplicates) are also from Egypt. It seems too im-
probable that a type should be transmitted between
two countries so far apart, without leaving a trace
in the well-known forms of Greece, Italy, or France.
The conclusion seems to be that here is another
instance of re-invention in separate centres. This
type seems to have passed into a shortened form
as 134, 172 in Egypt, and 135, 136 in England.
Of the last extraordinary form in bronzes, there are
several examples. It is perhaps almost more than
a coincidence that the fin-blade should have been
similarly shortened in each of the countries which
used it. Yet can we suppose our knowledge so
imperfect that all trace of it has been lost between
Egypt and England ? Possibly the necessities of
fishing modified it in both countries.
83. Lastly there remains the class of spears with-
out any mid-rib— merely flat blades. The grand
example of this is the great ceremonial spear of
copper, 137, found by de Sarzec at Telloh. This is
of so long a time before the others here, that it is
useless to look for any evidence of connection.
How such a form may be re-invented is seen in the
entirely detached type of the Wisconsin spears,
140. This is less astonishing when we see that
nearly all — perhaps all — of these flat blades are of
copper or iron, that is to say, they are hammered
and not cast. To hammer out a form with a mid-
rib would be troublesome, to cast it in bronze is
easy.
The narrower blade belongs to early Greece, in
Sparta and at Mykenae, 138, 139, 142, 143. The
latter three are obviously hammered. The similar
blade was used a little later for a socketted spear
head of iron, 141. One of the strangest specimens
is the broad leaf-shap*d iron blade, 144, from
Nubia, unquestionably of the xiith dynasty. It
lay with a burial in an inner part of a rock chamber,
with undisturbed burials of the xiith dynasty in
front of it. No such form in iron is known nor
any iron weapons till long after this. The outline
is, however, like that of the Syrian spear of that
date, as in 15. The other iron spears are mainly
northern ; excepting one from Terni, they are
from Dodona, La Tene, Spain (Keltic), the Rhine,
Sweden, and Anglo-Saxon England. As we saw
5
that the angular outlines 16 to 23 were Germanic,
so again the same appear in the northern forms
161 to 164.
84. The spear butts have hardly received due
attention. Their proportion to the head may be
seen in H 28. At Bologna the jonderia contained
examples varying from the tube to the ferrule,
192-4 ; 28 and 190 are also Italian. Very varying
sizes occur in Egypt, 179 to 181. The plain butt
also occurs in Cyprus, Spain, La Tene, Britain, 195
to 201 (next to 200 read 199, for 190, a lithographer's
error). The forked butts are only known from
Egypt, where they have been found with the
spear heads 128-130, in graves with Cypriote pot-
tery, probably therefore of northern mercenaries.
They are described as " Religious and sacrificial
instruments" in the British Museum; but the
graves in which they are found seem good evidence
of their purpose. The use of a forked end might
be either to rest on the toe, or in a loop, when
riding, or to hold to a cord in lancing the spear.
The design of the onkh between two uas signs on
186, marks it as having been made in Egypt. 182
is one of the earliest of these, being made by ham-
mering ; it was closed up by lapping, and nailing
with minute nails on to the wooden staff. The other
specimens are all cast. There are three other
examples of 189 in this collection.
CHAPTER VII
THE ARROW, THROW-STICK, HARPOON, ETC.
THE ARROW HEAD '. (R) PLS. XLI, XLII
85. The main divisions under which the arrow
heads are here classed are Flat bladed (1-23), Ribbed
bladed (24-53), Triangular bladed (54-72), Triangular
solid (73-84), Flat barbed (85-111), Wide barbed
(112-120), Rhombic (121-132), Spur (133-15°).
Lances (151-55), Square heads (156-8), Cones (159-
61), Single barbs (162-4), and Splayed (165-9).
The mode of attaching the head to the shaft varies
with the material. Reed is the earliest kind of
shaft, naturally straight, stiff, and light. The heads
are necessarily fastened by a tang, the reed being
bound with thread to prevent splitting. The tang
needs to be very long, in proportion to the head
(see R 1, 29, 97, 154), so that a side pressure does not
exert too much leverage to split the reed. On the
other hand, when wood is used for shafts, a tang is
34
THE ARROW
impossible, as a slender shaft cannot be bored ; a
socket head is therefore necessary. The two
classes of tang or socket, therefore, show the use
of reed or wood shafts.
The different forms of head were adopted for
different purposes. For attacking bare flesh the
wider forms with sharp blades were made, as 15-18,
41-7, and wide barbs, as 1 12-120. The narrower
forms were for penetrating clothing ; and for
piercing armour, heavy and small heads were
necessary, as 74-76, 126-130, 156-161. The
Nubian single barbs, 162-4, were for using with bows
that were too weak to drive in a wide double barb ;
the barb brought nearer to the point, 164, must
have been a very facile weapon. The forked forms
are for cutting the legs of animals or necks of birds.
86. The manufacture of the flat forms, without
rib, was by hammer work. The rib was also made
by the hammer in iron, as 233-5. The ribbed head
of bronze was generally cast, and the socket head
was always cast. The mould was of two or three
pieces according to the number of blades, and the
casting duct was at the point, shown by the run of
metal left on 241. As the point in any case would
need to be sharpened by grinding, the removal of
the duct and the sharpening were both done to-
gether. The solid triangular heads were cast
rather hollow on the faces ; thus both they, and
the triangular bladed heads, were sharpened by
rubbing down on a stone. The rhombic heads 123-
32 were cast in a double mould, and then sharpened
by grinding across the faces.
87. The earliest metal arrow head dated in
Egypt is R 1, found in the sandbed of the temple
of Sonkhkara, xith dynasty. Of exactly the same
form are 170 to 176, a group brought together with
eight others, duplicate. These, and the similar
heads from Spain, 2 to 4, are doubtless all of ham-
mered copper. The iron blades of the north have
the same form from hammering, 5-8 ; but, owing
to the lack of reeds, sockets were made to hold
the shaft of wood. Longer blades were made in
the bronze age of Greece (9-13), some socketted,
some tanged. The iron blades were made very
wide in the north ; influenced in the case of R 18
by the very broad spear-head type, H 135, which
preceded R 18 in the same region. Plain leaf-blades
were used very widely (19-23). The lances from
Susa (30, 31 before 2000 B.C.) are almost flat, and
belong to the family of the spear, rather than the
arrow-head.
88. Ribbed blades are not of early date. The
oldest here is that from Mykenae, 38 (1100 B.C. ?),
which differs but little from the previous flat blades.
The Cumean blades may be the next, 24,39 (800 B.C.?)
and perhaps as early is that from Nineveh, 32.
Wide, round-ended blades, 25, 26, come from
Persia and Egypt ; the form is so unusual that
probably the Egyptian example from Defenneh
was brought by a Persian soldier. The wide, leaf-
shaped type, 41, 42 does not appear till the xxvith
dynasty at Defenneh, and then it is of bronze.
This shows that it only comes after the great
Scythian invasion, and therefore it may probably
be derived from the Asiatic type which is found at
Minussinsk, 46, 47. One of the same (237) is from
the fosse of the palace at Memphis, also of the
Persian age.
89. The triangular heads have been studied by
Dr. Hubert Schmidt in Pumpelly (R), Explora-
tions in Turkestan, 1904, Washington, 1908, pp.
183-6. In this he gives references to about twenty
publications ; his results may be summarised as
follows. The triangular arrow head was Graeco-
Scythian, originating in S.E. Europe. Thence it
spread west to Central Europe (54, 55), east to
Central Asia (82), north and north-east to Siberia
(60-76). The principal localities are the Euxine
coasts and South Russia. They are usual in Scythian
kurgans ; many are in the Kertch and Odessa
museums from Panticapaeum and Olbia. The
three- edged heads in the Caucasus region are later
than the post-Mykenaean burials. In Central Asia
they are found in Persia and Bohkara. In Greece,
at Kalymnos, Olympia, Attica, and Megalopolis.
In Central Europe at Hallstatt (63), in Carniola
(59), Carinthia, and Galicia. The most westerly
is from Chalons-sur-Saone. As regards date, they
are never found in Mykenaean sites, but in the
Iliad " three-tongued " arrows are mentioned.
The Hallstatt finds would put them about 800-
900 B.C. The kurgans extend them down to 4th
cent. B.C.
Now the Egyptian evidence is that this type is
never found till after the great Scythian invasion of
Syria, 624-596 B.C. The Scythian source of the
Egyptian examples is therefore quite probable.
The examples given here, show that triangular
forms which differ considerably, are found alike in
the north and in Egypt, 59, 60, 61 ; 74, 75 and 76.
This points to direct contact of the users with Egypt,
rather than to transmission by distant trading.
THE ARROW
35
Elaborate three-bladed heads of iron come from
Central Asia (Minussinsk, B.M.).
The sources of examples in pi. xlii are 177 Gurob,
178 Kahun, 179-185 Gurob, 187 Amarna, duplicate
from Koptos, and another. 226-7 Defenneh, 236-
247 Memphis palace fosse, Persian age ; 248-252
Defenneh ; 253-6 Memphis fosse. Duplicates are
of 188, 5 as 189 smaller f 192 Gurob and another,
also with blade half length, and long stem; 2 as
198, as 200 uninscribed, 209, 210 from Memphis and
another>a-as 213, 6 as 215, 4 as 216-7, 7 as 2I7,
3 as 218-9 smaller, 18 as 220, 11 as 223, 225 ; 28
as 228-232 ; as 238, as 240 and 245 Memphis ; as
248-253, 15 from Defenneh, 9 from Memphis.
90. The barbed heads begin in the simplest way,
without any tang or socket for the shaft (85-89),
both in Greece and the Caucasus. They must
have been cemented into a notch in the shaft, using
the inner edge of the barb to give a longer attach-
ment. A tang was added in Greece (90-92, 94),
showing that reeds were then the material of the
shaft ; and this form of head with a very long
tang is common to Spain, Gurob (Egypt in the
xviiith dynasty 177), and Persia (96, 97). The
narrow barbed arrow, 99-105, is northern, not being
found south of Parma, except 216, 217 of Persian
introduction at the palace of Memphis. The wider
form is as old as the fonderia at Bologna, 108 ; and
the same is found in Egypt (205-9), and as late as
the Alaman example, 107 (see M. 2.9.5). The widest
splay of barb is northern, from the valley of the
Po, France, Hungary, and Siberia (1 12-120).
A peculiar head with a very wide edge 121, 122
is found in Hungary, also at Defenneh (122), and
the palace at Memphis (236), both overrun by
Persians. It is related to the larger lance head
from Sweden, H 122. The use of such a form would
be for cutting through leather garments, where
the whole blow was wanted at once to make a
single cut. A long, tapering form would lose its
force by wedging in the leather.
91. A type differing in origin from all the others,
is the Rhombic head, that is to say, having a
rhombic horizontal section, sometimes half as thick
as it is wide. It does not arise through any other
form, but seems to be a fresh invention. It is
dated by being found in the mortaring of a brick
wall of Rameses II at Abydos, R 126, and the two
from Mykenae, 124-5, are 0I about the same age.
A peculiar feature is a triangular projection left at
the base of the blade. This would act as a stopper
to hinder penetration, yet the head is always
barbed and was therefore expected to penetrate.
The knob is therefore a puzzle. The heads are
mostly of bronze, and seldom of iron. They became
much changed by the xxvith dynasty, as 131,
showing that the curved edge form did not descend
later than 700 B.C. in Egypt. Their range may then
be put from about 1200 to 800 B.C., or a little more
either way. They are entirely southern, mainly
from Egypt, also Mykenae and Epirus (128-9) and
rarely as far north as Bologna (130). A curious
feature is the unexplained mark found on three in
Egypt, two bronze, 200, 201, and one of iron, 202 ;
also on one in the British Museum. This connects
these as being used together.
92. The class of spur arrow heads, 133 to 150, is
peculiar. The spur cannot be merely a form of
barb, as it is added to barbed heads. It cannot be
for tying on the head to the shaft, as it is need-
lessly long, and slopes away. Possibly it is in-
tended to catch under the clothing, and prevent the
head falling away. These examples are selected from
a large number collected in a paper in S.F. 12, 483.
The large iron blades, 193-4, are evidently not
native to Egypt. They are nearly the same as the
lance from the Caucasus, 151. The latter blade is
rather longer, and more pointed at the sides, but
the long tang and flange at the head of it are alike.
Both of them also show the curious shift in the
planes down the axis, as in the section of 152 but
less pronounced. The Egyptian examples were
probably left behind by a Sarmatian soldier. It
is strange that the double-plane form, 152, is found
at Olympia and in the French Alps ; the source was
probably the Gothic invasion of Greece, and the
Goths on the way into Spain. The triangular
lances, 154-5, from Hungary, are of the family of
triangular heads which belongs to Asia, 66-72.
The heavy square heads, 156-8, are probably all
Roman casting spears, to which 157 is assigned.
The mediaeval arrow heads for piercing armour,
159-61, are in the Museo Nazionale at Bologna.
The forked arrow has certainly been re-invented ;
common as a flint lance in prehistoric Egypt, it
appears again in an allusion to the hunting of
ostriches, as imported to Rome by Commodus.
This, however, can scarcely have started it in
Hungary, the Caucasus, Sweden and Siberia (166-
69) ; it is from this northern source that it was
familiar to Shakespear in deer- hunting] (As You
Like It, ii, 1).
36
THE ARROW, THROW-STICK, SLING AND BULLET
93. PI. xliii. Dealing next with the non- metallic
arrows, a peculiar form of arrow is painted at Beni
Hasan, having a triple point (257). This was doubt-
less for shooting birds, to increase the chance of
hitting. Of actual arrows there are many hard-
wood long points, painted black with white bars,
pi. lxix, 271, 272, and 7 others, which are probably
prehistoric. Other arrows of the same style and
age, but of bare wood barred with black, are 265
to 270, and 18 others. Of the beginning of the
dynastic age are the ivory or bone points, 261 (and
2 others), which were set in reeds, the butt of the
reed being 260. In the early dynasties a long
tapered hard-wood point set in reed was usual, as
262-3 and six others. Also two from Tarkhan,
s.D. 77. In all periods down to the xvth dynasty
flint arrow tips were sometimes used, usually straight
cross edges to cut through the hide at one blow
(Jour. Anthrop. Inst, xxvi, pi. x.).
94. Bows have not been recorded in prehistoric
graves, the earliest perhaps being the tip of a bow
from Tarkhan, grave 22. It seems probable from
the colouring that the bows here painted red with
white lines, lxix, 273 and another, are prehistoric,
linked with the prehistoric to Algerian use of red
painted pottery with white lines. This would
carry with it the pieces of a bare wood bow with
black lines, 274, and another. There is also a
horn from a bow, which was made of two horns
joined. The simplest dynastic bow is slightly
curved, 264 (and another), without any notch or
attachment for the string. In the vith dynasty
the bow is figured with recurved ends, xliii, 258. The
doubly curved bow, 259, is represented as carried
by the Amu from Syria. The compound bow,
built with layers of horn and wood, was brought
into Egypt, probably from the Assyrian invasion
of the xxvth dynasty, as shown by a birch-bark
coating upon it (/. Anthrop. Inst, xxvi, 210). A
figure suggesting such a compound bow is shown as
used by the Keftiu of Syria (G.W. 30), the four
groups of binding upon it showing that it was liable
to split.
THROW- STICKS : (v)
1 to 7, pi. xliii ; 8 to 13, pi. lxix
95. The throw-stick is a very primitive weapon,
and is shown among the hieroglyphs of the first
dynasty. The specimens of it, and the figures in
scenes are, however, not before the xiith dynasty.
Those found in Egypt are always about two inches
wide, and J inch thick, such as xliii, V 5, 6, lxix, 12
from Kahun, and the large one, 13, from Lahun,
all of the xiith dynasty. V 11 is broken at the
upper end, and had a bent continuation. Syrian
forms are rather different to the Egyptian, V 1, 2,
3; xliii ; and the Libyan example V4 has hardly
any bend. The figure of the xviiith dynasty, 7,
has a moderate curve.
Allied to these Syrian forms are some ceremonial
sticks from Egypt ; V 8 (lxix) is oval in section,
and with a handle at the end ; V 9 is well carved in
polished wood, with a loop in relief near each end,
and a line of cord connecting these ; V 10 has a
thinner, blade-like form with a handle, broken at
the top.
SLINGS AND BULLETS ! (v)
14, pi. li; 15-23, pi. xliv
96. One example of a sling V 14, pi. li was found
with an iron spear head, H 175, pi. xl, at Lahun.
It is probably of the same age as other iron spear
heads found in 1914 (not yet published), about
800 B.C. It is finely woven, with a thick plaited
cord ; another cord has been broken away. The
sling is not represented in early times ; objects
mistaken for it are really girdles, or lashes. At
Beni Hasan in the xiith dynasty the sling is never
figured in the hands of Egyptians, but only used
by Syrians (N.B. i, xlvii ; ii, v, xv). In the xxth
dynasty the Egyptians and the Cretans both em-
ployed slingers in the great naval battle, but they
may have been foreign auxiliaries (Champollion,
Mon. ccxxii). The sling seems to have been
essentially Semitic rather than Egyptian ; and
its constant use in Egypt now, is probably due
to Arab descent.
No sling bullets are known in Egypt, except one
of Khabbash (Palace of Apries, xxvi, 10) and those
made in Greek times. These latter are all of one
style, and many bear the Seleucid emblem of the
anchor ; it seems likely that they were left by the
Syrian army of Antiochos IV in 171 B.C., when he
besieged and took Memphis. The types are, seven
as V 15, 16, with thunderbolt ; four as V 17 to 19
with thunderbolt and star ; eight as V 20, 21 with
thunderbolt and anchor ; V 22 with anchor alone ;
five as V 23 with trident.
THE HARPOON AND FISH-HOOK
37
HARPOONS : (V)
24-51, pi. xliv ; 52-58, pi. xliii
97. The earliest harpoons in Egypt appear to be
the three-toothed bone harpoons, as V47 of the
first prehistoric age, between s.d. 34 and 38. After
this the single barb head is more usual ; V 43 is
°f 33-54 s.d. ; V46 and duplicate V48 of 49-
63 s.d. ; V45 and duplicate of 48 are from the
south town at Nubt. All of these are from
Naqadeh, and none are recorded from the other
large cemeteries of Diospolis or El Amrah. These
bone or horn harpoons must begin as early as
s.d. 38, and may perhaps not extend beyond s.d.
50, belonging thus to the earlier part of the second
prehistoric age. Of the copper harpoons a small
one is as early as s.d. 34-38, and larger ones are
dated to s.d. 54 and 61. No trace of the harpoon
was found in the 2000 graves of the Tarkhan ceme-
tery, s.d. 77 to 82. Purely ceremonial copper
harpoons were in the royal tombs of the 1st dynasty,
V 56 of Zer, and V 55 of Semerkhet ; of the same
date must be V33, and near that age V34, 35.
Models roughly cut in sheet copper are of the close
of the iind dynasty, V 36, 37 of Khosekhemui.
In the xiith dynasty at Harageh two small
harpoons were found, V 38, 39. The early form
survived till the xviiith dynasty, as found in
the Maket tomb (P.I. xxvi, 47). The representa-
tion of lancing the harpoon at fish is one of
the commonest scenes in tombs from the vth
to the xviiith dynasties. The truth seems to
be that the harpoon as a means of livelihood ceased
in the second prehistoric age ; but as an instrument
of sport it lasted much later, though in the latest
paintings it may be only a religious archaism. Two
examples quite isolated, are V 51, a large harpoon
of iron, probably Roman, and V 50, a harpoon head
of slate. Of duplicates of the photographed ex-
amples there are 3 of 40, and 2 of 47.
On the European side the bone harpoon was a
favourite implement in the Magdalenian period, as
V 52, 53 ; it is generally barbed on both sides, and
where only on one side, there are many barbs. In
Europe it was not commonly continued into the
copper age, as it was in Egypt ; two little ones from
North Italy, V 54, 57, are all that I have noted.
The fishing harpoons are very usual along the
northern coasts of America ; nearly all of these
differ from the European and Egyptian, by being
toggle harpoons, with a short head, which turned
across the wound on being pulled, and so held
firmly in the seal. The use of a pair of harpoon
heads on a very long casting spear, is singularly
alike in the Egyptian and American use. See
fig. 19 in the exhaustive memoir by Otis T. Mason
on Aboriginal American Harpoons (Smithsonian
Inst. 1902).
The barbed iron objects from Defenneh, V58,
may be for some use in fishing.
fish-hooks : (v)
61-87 pl. xliv ; 59, 60, 88-102, pi. xliii
98. The earliest dated fish-hook is of the age of
Den, 1st dynasty, found at Abydos, V 59. Probably
as early is 61 (xliv), which was found at Ballas with
a pottery cist burial of the 1st or iind dynasty.
Next is a hook 60 (xliii) from the grave of Perabsen.
This shows the beginning of the angular hook,
which is seen farther in the hooks painted in a
tomb of the Old Kingdom (l.d. ii, 96), exactly of
the form V 62. The two delicately made hooks, 62,
63, are of the xiith dynasty from Kahun ; 62 has
the line still attached to it, which was wound round
a papyrus letter. V 64 to 67 are of the same age
from Harageh. The old polygonal type of 62-3
still remains, and no barb was yet used, in the
xviiith dynasty at Amarna, 68. But the hooks from
Gurob of the xviiith or xixth dynasty 71-78 are
barbed, and very nearly approach the modern
" Limerick bend." One of the xxvith dynasty is
merely rounded, V 95, xliii. 69, 70 from Quft are
not dated ; 79 is unplaced. 80 is a large iron
hook from Balyzeh, Coptic ; it is evidently strained
out of shape. The hooks 81-86 are all unplaced ;
the last is a very unusual double hook. (There are
two duplicates from Kahun, and five from Gurob.)
The great hook 87 is of iron, from Wushym in the
Fayum, of Roman age. Such a size was required
for the enormous fish over five feet in length, such
as are still caught in the Nile (see Medum, xii ; and
Saqqara Mastabas I, chapter by L. Loat).
The European fish-hooks do not appear before
the fonderia age. The statistics of the Lake
Bourget finds show fish-hooks to be rarer than
needles or borers. Considering how the lake dwell-
ings must have relied upon fishing, the moderate
number of fish-hooks points to their depending more
on nets. The few copied here, 88-94, are merely
rounded, without any peculiar form. In Greece,
38
SCALE ARMOUR, RASPS
96-98, and Roman Italy, 99-102, hooks are common ;
100 is the usual pattern, 101 and 102 are the limits
of size.
SCALE ARMOUR (v)
103-128, pi. xlii ; 129-132, pi. xliii ; 133, xlii
99. The earliest metal scales, apparently, are a
set of bronze scales, large and thick, which were
found by the temple of Amenhetep II at Thebes,
V 105-8, xlii. There are seventeen of them, and
each has two nails driven halfway through, at the
middle of the length. These prove that these
scales were not worn as armour ; and, as a scale
pattern is usually figured on the sides of thrones,
it seems likely that these scales are from the sides
of a wooden throne, perhaps belonging to a statue
in the temple.
Somewhat similar are seven larger scales, also
with nails, V 104, and a large hinged scale, V 103,
of unknown source. The hinge suggests actual
wear on the person ; yet the scales are so thick,
that the weight would be prohibitive, to say notlung
of the projecting nails. The only explanation seems
to be that they were nailed on to a wooden statue :
such may also have been the use of the scales
V 105-8. A limestone torso of a figure, lying at
Karnak, is covered with such rounded scales,
which probably indicate scale armour.
The next examples are the figures of corslets
of scale armour under Amenhetep II (L.D. iii, 64)
and in the tomb of Rameses III (G. W. 53a ; R.M.C.
cxxi). Shortly after, there are actual pieces of
scale armour of Sheshenq I ; the scales are of two
forms, V 129, 130, with the cartouche upon them.
Iron scale armour was used by the Assyrians, and
found in large quantities of Khorsabad ; the scales
were rounded at one end, and had a mid-rib to
stiffen them, as in V 115-117 (L.N.R. i, 341).
On reaching the xxvith dynasty there is abun-
dant material, especially from Memphis (Palace of
Apries, xvi). The series of forms kept here are
eighteen of small bronze scales (V 109-14, thirty-
two iron scales (118-25), bronze ridge-plate 115,
iron ridge plates 116, 117, and masses of scales 127,
128. Similar examples of overlapping scales were
found at Defenneh, V 131, 132. From the absence
of Egyptian figures of the Saite age in scale armour,
and the known frequency of iron scale armour among
the Persians (Herodotos, vii, 61), it seems probable
that both the Memphite and Daphniote armour
belonged to the Persian invaders, who occupied
those places. Hence we may say that it is only
when Egypt was under strong Asiatic influence, or
occupation, that scale armour appears, and that it
was therefore of Asiatic origin.
On the rise of scale armour from leather and horn
defences, and its Chinese development in metal,
see Chinese Clay Figures by Berthold Laufer (Field
Museum, Chicago, 1914) ; that work, though on
more primitive stages of defence, only discusses
post-Roman examples, except touching the Hero-
dotos quotation. Therefore as regards date it is
entirely later than the examples dealt with here.
(See especially pp. 191 and 239.)
V 133 is a shield boss of iron from Egypt, with a
plain short spike. It is most like the Frankish
type, and was doubtless introduced by the same
Roman auxiliaries who brought various Frankish
ornaments into Egypt. The Ala i Francorum was
stationed at Contra Apollinopolis and the Cohors vii
Francorum at Diospolis (Not. Dign.) about 425 a.d.
Other northern troops were the Sigambrians, Ger-
mans, Jutungs, Alamanni, Vandals, Rhaetians,
Quadi and Sarmatians ; these will fully account
for much of northern origin found in Egypt.
RASPS AND SCRAPERS '. (V)
134-37. Pi- xliv
100. Small conical rasps are not uncommon
about the xviiith dynasty. They were made by
punching a sheet of bronze to throw out a rough
burr, and then coiling it into a cone. Two here,
V 134-5, are from Koptos, and there are five from
Gurob in worse state.
Two very simple scrapers or scoops, V 136-7, are
from Kahun, of the xiith dynasty. They are made
by inserting a bivalve shell into a piece of reed, and
then binding it around with string. The thimble
and the hammer at the end of pi. xliv are noticed
under Needles, N no, sect. 147, and Hammers,
M 97 A, sect. in.
CHAPTER VIII
ARTISANS' TOOLS : (M)
Pis. xliii, xlvi, xlviii, lxxviii
101. The brace has not been found in any
Roman remains, although there are bits with
square shanks. The earliest figure of the modern
artisans' tools
39
brace that I have seen (M.i. xliii) is in a picture
(28) at Naples dated 1523 ; that is of the pattern
used with little change till the present time, cut in
wood with chamfered edges. Another, M 2, of
nearly the same pattern, but simpler, was used in
Holland in 1694. In the group of Assyrian tools
at Thebes, there were found with the bits a pair of
bent pieces of iron with rounded points M. 3 (lxxviii) ;
the wood with which they may have been connected
had entirely disappeared, but it would seem as if
they were parts of a crank brace of some kind for
working the bits.
102. The pump-drill is not known before Roman
times. It is made of a length of stout reed, xlviii
M 4 ; this was found at Hawara. It is shown, M 5
(xliii), in a picture of S. Eligio by Roselli in the
Antica e Moderna at Florence, probably about 1480.
103. The bow drill has been a general tool for
thousands of years. Probably the earliest form
was an arrow twisted by a bowstring around it.
The bow form was soon modified in Egypt, much
wider at one end than the other, to allow of the
hand holding it at one end. Drill stocks of the
xiith dynasty were found at Kahun. M 6 (xliii) is
complete, with the discharge hole to eject the drill.
M 7 is from Gurob of the xviiith dynasty. In M 8
(xlviii) the stock is unfinished ; it is of the xiith
dynasty, as well as the bow, both from Kahun,but
not found together. The caps of such drills were,
some of wood as M 6, 7, others of hard black
quartzose stone (ten here), with highly polished
holes, as M 9, 10, 11 (xlviii). It seems that the
hieroglyph t, which is always coloured black, is
taken from the hemispherical drill cap, such as M 9.
The bow drill is often represented in scenes in the
tombs ; in some cases three drills worked by one
bow, as R.M.C. lii ; M.A.F. V 569, ii, both xviiith
dynasty. The earliest examples do not show
detail, but that of the xiith dynasty, M 13 (xliii),
is more explicit, and also those of the xviiith, M 12,
14. A perfect example is in pi. Ii, M 15, from
Hawara, of Roman age. The stock is turned ;
and the cap has been made in two halves, pegged
together, in order to hold a ball head of the stock, so
that the cap cannot be removed. The bow drill was
used by the Dutch pearl borers in 1694 (M 16, xliii),
and is still usual in the East, where the bow is also
the regular means of turning the lathe.
104. Rimers of regular form do not seem to
have been found in Egypt. An elementary one
occurs in the fonderia at Bologna M 17 (xliii) ; and
a well-developed octagonal rimer comes from
Pompeii (M 18). A punch here, lxxviii, M 137, is
from the Assyrian group of the viith century B.C.
105. Bits for drilling are found in the Assyrian
group of tools of about 670 B.C. at Thebes. One
is an excellent scoop drill of mild steel with an
S-section, so that both of the edges should cut
forward in rotating, M 19 (lxxviii). A small scoop
drill of bronze comes from Peschiera, Lago di
Garda, M 20, xliii. A well-formed scoop drill, like
the modern spoon bit, M23 is from the Roman
camp of Newstead. Four flat drills, too much
rusted and broken to show exact detail of the
cutter, are of Roman age from Germany and
Pompeii (21, 22, 26, 27). The idea of a centre bit
was started as early as the Assyrian group, M 24,
25 (lxxviii). These have a central peg, and a
scraper at each side of it. The use of a cutter to
clear the outer edge was not yet brought in ; but
the central steadying point was used here, as also
in the facing tool used to clean the cast copper
discs for the Ptolemaic coinage.
106. The auger with a cross head, was appar-
ently used at Defenneh (M 28), where it would be
in great request for shipbuilding. In the middle
ages it was used in France, M 29, and it is shown as
a large scoop or taper auger used by ship-builders
and wheelwrights in Holland, 1694 (M30, 31).
107. The drawing knife was made at Pompeii,
apparently without any wooden handles, M 32, 33.
Another, M 34, from Oberolm (in Mainz Museum) is
assigned to Frankish times. Much the same curve,
with handles added, was the Dutch tool in 1694
(M 35). A form (M 37) with long handles at right
angles to the blade, so as to get a dragging cut,
comes from Auvergne, of the later iron age or
Roman period. Two of the same principle were
used in Sweden, M 36, 38 ; and this is still known
as the cooper's two-hand round shave, of the
Liverpool pattern.
108. The plane seems to have been a Roman
invention. There are four from Pompeii, of the
form of M 39. A continuous plate of iron goes
from the back, along the base, over the front and
top, and is rivetted to the base plate at the back.
The top opening is cut through this plate. A cross
bolt, run through the wooden body, serves to block
the wedge which holds the cutter in place. This
seems preferable to our side grooves for the pur-
pose, and the bolt at that height would scarcely
be in the way of the shavings. The Silchester
40
ARTISANS TOOLS
plane, M 139, lxxviii, is iron shod and faced, over a
wooden block ; but — though decayed — it does not
appear to have had a back hole for a handle. The
planes figured by Gruter and found at Rastadt
have two holes through the body ; one found at
Cologne has only an iron body, without wood
block, there is also a broken one from the Saal-
burg (see Archaeologia, 1894, 139). From Newstead
is a plane iron for shooting mouldings, 40, the only
example I have met, though such was obviously
used for the wooden mouldings of Roman age.
The mediaeval French plane, M 41, was inferior
to the Roman pattern in the clearance of it ; it
had the modern side grooves for cutter and wedge,
and added a front handle. 1 1 is curious that modern
planes should have dropped the back and front
handles, and adopted for the trying plane, a handle
nearer the middle, which does not guide the plane
so well, or else dropped the handle altogether in the
smoothing plane. In France and Germany a horn-
shaped front handle still survives.
109. The anvil came into use in the bronze age
for fine work ; probably so small an anvil as M 42
was for goldsmiths, like the beautiful set of small
bronze tools in the British Museum (C 227, C 168,
two tiny hammers and anvil), found at Lusmagh
in Ireland. Other small anvils of Roman age M 43,
44 are from Pompeii. The large anvil M 45 from
there is of the same form as that from Silchester
M 46 (lxxviii). These are strictly smiths' bick
irons. Other iron anvils from there are for shoe-
makers' lasts, M 47, 48 (drawings are in A. liv. 139).
Further examples, from Heidenberg, are in the
Mainz Museum (M. v. 46). A curious kind of port-
able anvil used for dressing scythes in the field,
was also found at Silchester, M 50, 51, lxxviii,
where it is shown with exactly similar anvils, 49,
52, now used in Spain and North Italy. Probably
stones were put under the side rings, to increase the
bearing upon the ground.
no. The wooden mallet was a primitive tool,
which has not yet been superseded. The earliest
Egyptian form, pi. xlv, is a piece of a branch,
thinned down at one end to give a hold, as M 53 from
Kahun, xiith dynasty, 54, 55, from vth and vith
dynasties, 59 of the xiith dynasty, M 60 (xlvi) from
Deshasheh, vth dynasty, 61 from Kahun, xiith
dynasty. A mallet of limestone, 62, from Kahun,
of the xiith dynasty, is very unusual. The small
mallet, 63, is a tomb model of that used for driving
a mooring peg. The usual type in the xiith to
xixth dynasties was a large head with cylindrical
handle, cut in one block of wood. The head was
usually conical, as M 64, 65, 68 ; otherwise bulbous,
as 56, 57, 58 (xlv), 70 (xlvi), oblong as 66, 67 (xlvi),
or cylindrical, M 69. The last occurs also in Slesvig,
M 87 (xlv). The form with a long handle, cut from
the stem and branch of a tree, is as old as the vth
dynasty, M 71 (xlvi) from Deshasheh. It is also
found in Slesvig (79, 80, xlv) of Roman age. The
inserted handle in a socket is not found in Egypt
till Greek times, M 76, 77 from the tomb of Aba
at Thebes, and 72 to 75 from the Fayum (xlvi).
This was the usual form in Italy, M 78, and Europe
in general, from Roman times to the present, for
masons, 82, 83, and carpenters, 84, 85.
in. The hammer with a handle was strangely
neglected by the Egyptians. In all ages they used
a smooth stone in the hand, even for the heavy
work of beating out copper vessels. How they
endured the shock to the wrist, in a long course of
such work, cannot be imagined. Yet, though the
mallet was regularly used by masons, they never
used a similar tool for hammering metal. The
earliest hammers of the European bronze age are
pouch-shaped tools, developed from the socketted
axe, — pounders rather than hammers. The true
hammer only appears just before iron becomes
general, in one example of bronze from South Italy,
M 86 (xlv). Another of bronze (Brit. Mus.) has a
heron in relief on the faces, apparently about
400 B.C. The early iron hammer of the Greeks,
87, was small and light ; the larger size of smith's
hammer does not appear till Roman times (92 to
97 and 136, lxxviii). A model hammer of bronze,
M 97 A, is shown in pi. xliv. The mediaeval and
later forms in 98, 99, show the essential points of
the smith's hammer, a heavy square head, with a
wide edge for rivetting and detailed work.
The mason's hammer was of the mallet type,
equal at both ends, as the massive ones 100, 10 1,
which are like the sculptor's hammer, 107, of 1694.
Lighter sizes were also used as 103, 104, and 105
from Silchester (lxxviii). The hammers heavier at
one end, 102, 106, are peculiar, and must have been
awkward to hold, from their want of balance.
The carpenter's hammer, or claw hammer, for
drawing nails, is also a Roman type, 108, 109 ; the
latter is most like a modern farrier's hammer, and
that may have been its use. The claw-hammer
four centuries ago (112) was made exactly as on the
Continent at present. The light hammer, no,
TONGS AND BUILDERS' TOOLS
41
might be for carpentry, or fine metal work, as it is
not heavy enough for the smithy. 111 is the form
of modern shipwright's hammer. Other forms of
special trade hammers, 113, 114, 116, 118-120, are
shown in the engravings of 1694. The axe-hammer,
115 (lxxviii), from Silchester, was probably for
wooden building work, like a modern lath hammer.
The Roman, 117, was probably a cooper's hammer.
112. Tongs are not represented earlier than on
the pre-Roman coins of Malaga, where they are
shown behind the head of Vulcan. None of the
existing tongs can be dated before the Roman
period. They were at that age well developed
with special forms of jaws to hold the work, like
modern box- tongs 121, 122 (xlv) ; 123 (lxxviii).
The simple tongs of all sizes are usual, as 124 to
130. The Swedish form 126, with a locking catch,
was intended to maintain the grip while the tongs
were turned round and round in the left hand, to
hammer on all sides. The same form, but without
a catch, is found at Newstead (C.N. lxiii), and Heid-
enberg (M.V. 46).
Pincers are rare ; one pair from Sweden, 131
(like the modern Lancashire pincers), is not dated.
None seem to be known of Roman age, even from
Pompeii.
Lifting tongs for light objects are shown in a
goldsmith's hand at Thebes, of the xviiith dynasty,
M 134. Two very slender bronze tongs come from
La Tene (132), and the celebrated group of the
Heathery Burn cave (133) ; slender tongs with the
ends turned down, were used by chemists in 1694
(135).
CHAPTER IX
builders' tools : (b)
1-6 pi. xlvii, 7 xiii, 8-15 xlvii, 16-25 xiii, 26-27
lxxviii, 28-29 xlix> 4°"43 xlvii. 44"5° xlix,
51-63 xlvii, 64-89 xlviii, 90-93 xlvii, 94 xlviii.
113. The trowel was probably required for the
refined building of the Greek age, but the earliest
that we have are Roman from Pompeii, Bi, 2, 3.
The Egyptians merely used the hand as they now
do in the villages ; and finger marks are plain on
the mortar of the great pyramid, as also on the
brickwork mortaring of all periods. A small trowel
comes from Sweden, 6. Smaller tools, perhaps
used for smoothing wax tablets, 4, 5, are in the
Kircherian Museum. A plasterer's moulding tool
6
comes from Egypt, B 7, xiii ; and B 8, xlvii, from
Newstead seems to be a moulding tool with a spoon
at one end to hold the plaster, though it is called
an auger by Mr. Curie. The Dutch trowel, 9, used
in 1694 was triangular, like our modern London
trowel. The Scotch trowel has curved sides.
Mortar-rakes were used in Egypt in later times.
An iron model of one, B 10, was in a foundation
deposit of Ptolemy II ; and I bought a bronze one
in Egypt, now in the British Museum, B 11.
114. Wedges for splitting blocks of stone are
often found of iron, 12-14. One of bronze, B 15, is
from Defenneh. The iron wedges from Egypt
begin with two from the Ramesseum, B 16, 17 (xiii),
probably about 800 B.C. Two are from Defenneh,
600 B.C., B 18, 19. Two from Naukratis, B 20, 21,
may be 600-300 B.C. Two others are undated,
B 22, 23. Two of the "feathers," or thin flakes
of iron for placing between the wedge and the stone
in splitting, are at B 24, 25. Two wedges are from
Silchester, of Roman age, B26, 27 (lxxviii). Two
iron punches, 28, 29 (xiii), were found at Gurob.
Wooden chisels were used by the early Egyptians
for excavating in gravel and marl. Many such
were found in an unfinished pit at Deshasheh, vth
dynasty, as B30, 31 (xlix). 32 to 35 are of the
xiith dynasty from Kahun ; 36 is from Gurob.
115. For shifting large building stones the Egyp-
tians seem to have placed them on a cradle of wood,
so that they could be readily twisted round, drawn
along, or rocked up an inclined plane. Models of
these cradles are found, with other tools, in the
foundation deposits, as B37 from Deir el Bahri.
See Arts and Crafts, p. 75.
For shifting the large blocks, rollers of wood were
used, short, and with rounded ends, to prevent
their catching. Many such were found in the
builders' waste of the pyramid of Lahun, B 38, 39.
The crowbar has not been found in Egypt before
Roman time, either in scenes or actual example.
In the deposits of Tausert and Saptah (Six Temples
at Thebes, xvi, 26, 27 ; xviii, 44, 45) were some
rolled-up slips of copper bent at the end, but it is
not at all certain that they were models of crow-
bars. The modern forms of crowbar, with forked
end, and also with chisel end, are found at Pompeii,
B40 (xlvii). Also short forms of extractors for
nails, 41, 42, like the French live-clous, A crowbar
from Memphis, which is probably Roman, is in
Memphis, iii, pi. xxxviii (Univ. Coll.). For lift-
ing stones with a windlass the Roman had invented
42
builders' tools
the lewis, as used at present. A slit was sunk in
the upper face of the stone, enlarged below at the
two ends. The two tapering pieces of B43 were
then dropped in and pushed apart by the plain strip
between them. A rod was then passed through the
eyes on the three pieces, which thus could not be
withdrawn from the stone ; in this way the block
could be lifted by the rod as a handle.
116. For dressing down large blocks to a true
face, the system was to run saw cuts about half an
inch in on all sides ; the surface was then hammer
dressed, nearly down to the plane of the cuts. The
fine dressing — as shown in the tomb of Rekhmara
(pi. lxxix) — was done by holding two rods of wood
square to the face, upon the saw cut on opposite
sides. A string was stretched between the tops
of the rods. Then a mason held a rod of equal
length on any point of the stone, and the amount
which that stood above the string showed how
much had to be chiselled away. Many of these rods
have been found. B49, xlix, is a set of round
rods, 300 inches long ; B 50 is a set of square rods
from Beni Hasan 340 long ; other odd rods are B 44
(264 inches), 45 (3-12), 46 (293), 47 (3*5*). 48
(3" 1 1 inches). The two end rods always have a
hole from the side coming out on the top, for the
string ; the third rod is plain.
For dressing the faces of stones the Egyptian used
an adze, from the pyramid times onwards. The
result was tested by laying on it a true plane — or
facing plate — covered with red ochre. The claw
tool or comb-pick was invented in Greece (B 51,
52, xlvii). The pre- Persian masonry at Athens shows
the characteristic grooving due to it, according to
the late Prof. Hayter Lewis. This comb-marking
is the token of Greek and Roman work in Egypt,
both in rock-cutting and stone-dressing. The tools
then used have not been recovered ; the forms
given here are those used in the xiiith century in
France, and 51 is the common form to-day in
Egypt, where the tool is generally used. It is to
be noted that Viollet-le-Duc states that the marks
of this mode of dressing are only to be found in
Europe in the xiith, xiiith, and early xivth cen-
turies, that is, the period of the crusades. Doubt-
less the mixture with the east at that time brought
these tools, as well as much else, into western use.
117. The Egyptian used the hand for spreading
plaster in early times. But the need of finely
stuccoed walls for tomb painting, and probably for
houses also, led to the use of the plasterer's float.
B 53, 54 are two forms of plasterer's float of the
xiith dynasty, found at Kahun. They are very
rarely found, for I have not seen any others.
Brick moulds must have been in use in the later
prehistoric times, as brick building was then com-
mon. The only examples that I have seen are one
of the xiith dynasty found at Kahun, B 55, and a
model, probably from a foundation deposit, pi.
lxxvii, B 56. The modern mould is much like it,
but not so well made, being only nailed at the
corners, and not mortised.
118. The use of the plumb line must have started
with Egyptian building, and the plumb bob has
been found at the end of the iiird dynasty, B 64,
xlviii. The mode of using the plumb line is shown
by a mark on pottery of the xith dynasty (Gizeh
Rifeh, xiii, J. 5), and the model B 57 of the xixth
dynasty. This, with the squares and level, 58-60
(xlvii), all come from the tomb of an architect
Sen-nehem, a group now in the Cairo Museum.
These were not the actual working tools, but copies
of them made to place with the burial. The A form
of levelling plumb line (B 59), and the square with
a foot (B 60), were both used in Roman work, as
shown on the stele of Aebutius in the Capitoline
Museum, Rome.
The plumb bob in Egypt was first made with a
groove round it, in which to tie the line, see B 64
from Meydum, and B 65, both probably from the
end of the iiird dynasty (pi. xlviii). The square bob
of hard brown limestone (B 66), with a hole through
it for the line, was found at Gizeh ; it bears the
name Khuf, and is doubtless of Khufu. B 67, 68
are without a history, but belong probably to the
vith or xiith dynasty. B 69 is from Quft, undated.
B 70 is of limestone, 71 of alabaster. B 72 of lime-
stone, and 73 of marble, are from Kahun, of the
xiith dynasty ; the system for the line was to have
a short vertical hole in the axis, and across this a
hole from side to side ; the line was put through
the axial hole, the end pushed out to one side, and
knotted to retain it. 74 is of limestone. 75 is of
yellow limestone, 76 of wood, and 77 of shelly
limestone, all three from Kahun. 78 is of lime-
stone, 79 of steatite, 80 of limestone, 81 from Kahun
of limestone. 82, 83, 84 are of lead, probably of
Greek age. 85 is of steatite, 86 of diorite, 87 of
limestone, 88 of black steatite. B 89 is a remark-
able Roman cubic plumb bob of nummulitic lime-
stone, with figures of gods on the sides ; Horus,
Hathor, and Amen ? can be distinguished.
THE SAW
43
The Roman bobs on pi. xlvii are B go, of marble
with a bronze loop.; 91, 92, 93 of bronze. 92 is
of the form on the stele of Aebutius.
119. The square was doubtless used in early
times in Egypt, but no example occurs until the
model from the tomb of Sen-nehem, B60. A
similar form, with a foot, is figured in the tomb of
Rekhmara (xviiith dynasty) and on the stele of
Aebutius. The plain square of wood, B 94 (xlix),
was found in the destroyers' rubbish at the pyramid
of Lahun, probably Ptolemaic. Another plain
square, from Pompeii, B 61, is of bronze.
The need of a mitre square was naturally felt in
Egypt ; a carpenter of the xviiith dynasty has the
form 62, with a foot to slide along an edge ; a bronze
square with a foot, and mitre slope comes from
Pompeii ; and another without a foot is repre-
sented on a stele, 63.
CHAPTER X
THE SAW, SICKLE, AND BILL-HOOK
THE SAW : (S) PLS. XLVIII, L, LI
120. The saw is certainly as early as the begin-
ning of the first dynasty. The large number of
wooden coffins of that age must have been sawn,
and on one piece the varying directions of the
marks show how troublesome the work proved to
be (Tarkhan, i, xxiv). Beside that use of sawing,
the great amount of boards, required for the wooden
architecture, also must have required much sawing.
The oldest saw found is a model early in the iiird
dynasty, Si. A piece of a roughly notched saw
of copper was found at Meydum, of iiird dynasty,
S2, xlviii. In the vth and vith dynasties are
many scenes of sawing, from which may be quoted
the two types of saw, with a handle in one with the
blade, S 3, and with an added handle, S 4. A
model is of the xith dynasty, S 5. Another model
of about the same age is S 6 (xlviii). In the xiith
dynasty the handle is of the old form, S 7 ; and
also turned more away from the blade, S 8, in order
to get a larger surface for pushing, exactly like the
modern French miner's saw. This same idea of
the handle remained in the xviiith dynasty, as S 9,
and saws figured in the tomb of Rekhmara. The
rudest kind of saw was merely a blade notched by
chopping on it, as S 10 (xlviii), and S n, pi. 1. All
of the preceding blades were probably of hardened
copper.
121. Of bronze saws the earliest European is
perhaps that from Knossos, S 12, which is a very
slightly notched blade. Another roughly made
saw is from the lake dwellers, S 13. So far there
does not seem to have been any distinction in the
direction of the teeth. The saw was simply an
abrading instrument for scraping out a groove
equally by pushing and pulling, like the tenon
teeth of a modern cross-cut saw.
The true cutting saw is that in which the teeth
all have a rake in one direction, and are a series of
cutters, while in the back stroke they do not act.
The first such saw appears in the fonderia group at
Bologna, invented apparently at the same mechanical
outburst which produced the perfect tang and
socket chisels. Among the small pieces of bronze
saws, S 14-18, one of them, 15, has the teeth all
pointing one way. From the thinness of these
pieces it seems that they were framed saws (as
S 42 to 45) ; but there is nothing to show whether
the true saw was pushed or pulled. The Spanish
copper saw, S 19, was clearly a pull-saw. The
pieces from El Argar, Rome, Felixstowe, Moeringen,
and Naples, S 20 to 24, were all worked both ways.
Other bronze saws of small size have been found
in the Jura, Charente, Hautes Alpes, Spain and
Portugal, see D.M. ii, 274. Two beautiful and
delicate saws are from Reggio and Ephesos (S 25,
26). Near the butt, where it has not been spoilt
in sharpening, the Reggio saw shows that it was a
pull-saw ; and the Ephesos saw is so slight that
it must have been pulled. These are supposed to
have been for surgery, and are the latest of the
bronze saws.
122. The iron and steel saws begin at least as
early as 666 B.C. In the Theban group of the
Assyrian armourer (Ixxviii) were three saws ; one
double edged and narrow, probably a framed saw,
S 27 ; the other two blades have a decided rake in
the teeth, and both of them were pull-saws (S28).
Half of a large saw from Nimrud (29) has the teeth
equal, without any rake.
In Europe the saw had another development
with triangular teeth, cris-cross, S 30 ; this same
form was used for the saw backs of the Russian
swords, in the Crimean War. Plain pull and push
teeth were made at La Tene (31, 32) and the Roman
saws from Newstead (33) and Pompeii (34). The
little saw from La Tene (32) shows a neat handling,
with a disc to hold between the thumb and finger
of the right hand, and a turned-up end for the left
44
THE SAW
hand, so that a firm pressure and direction could
be applied. In the Pompeian saw, S 34, the teeth
show it to have been pushed, if the lower end is
the handle ; but it may have been one end of a
framed saw. The teeth are almost like a pit saw.
On pi. U is a large framed saw, 35, complete with
the bentwood frame. The band saw was originally
held by a pin at each end ; but the frame contracted
with the pull, and so the surplus length of blade
was taken up by giving it a turn half round the
end of the frame. The teeth have a moderate
rake. This comes from the Fayum. Another blade
of a framed saw, 36, has deeply raked teeth, at the
lower end where not spoiled by sharpening. S 37 is
a roughly notched iron blade, from a handle saw.
Two pieces of a very coarse band saw, 39, 40 (xlviii)
are from Oxyrhynkhos. Thus it seems that the
pull-saw with raked teeth began at about 900 B.C. ;
that there is no evidence of a push-saw in Roman
times; and there is no trace of setting the teeth
alternately to one side and to the other, so as to cut
a wide kerf, in any ancient saw. The Dutch saw
of 1694 shows the earlier form of the curious little
notch on the back, which is still continued in
modern saws, without a meaning. It seems origin-
ally to have been a tapering of the blade to the
end, interrupted by a projection, with a hole in it
for hanging up the saw, S 41 .
123. Of framed saws the modern bow saw des-
cends from a Roman form, S 42. In this there was
apparently no means of tightening the saw ; that
may have been done by a little hammering inside
the bow. The handle was attached too far from
the saw, so that the push was indirect. The framed
saw is often represented on Roman sculptures, as
S43. The Dutch carpenter's framed saw for wood
is S 44, and mason's saw for stone is S 45. This is
provided with a handle at the end, as the end pieces
were too large to grasp.
124. The coarse file is a form of saw, which seems to
have begun about 900 B.C., as it is found of bronze
at Bologna and at Hallstatt, S 48. This is a com-
bination of a broad and a narrow file. Of iron there
is the crippled file from Auvergne, 50, and a good
one from Silchester, S47 (lxxviii). A half-round
file of iron comes from La Tene (Volk. Mus. Berlin).
The fine-cut file begins with the Assyrian group,
lxxviii, S46. This is like a thick-backed knife^
hatched with fine parallel cuts on both faces. It
seems to be the parent of the modern three-cornered
file, or saw file. The cross-cut file was known in
1417 at Niirnberg. The rasp is found in a perfect
form in the Assyrian group (S 49), exactly of the
modern shape and detail.
125. The very important work of Egyptian hard-
stone cutting is only known by the results, as un-
fortunately there are no tools left ; but the abun-
dance of pieces of waste showing the methods
employed, and the marks upon the finished work,
are enough to prove the general methods. Only a
small selection of the specimens are illustrated here.
On pi. lii, 51, 52 and 53 are plain faces of saw cuts ;
51 is a piece of waste of grey syenite ; 52 is part
of the face of a basalt block of Khufu's temple ;
53 is a cast of the face of the granite sarcophagus
of Khufu, where the cut was running too deep,
and was brought further out. Nos. 54 to 57 show
the breadth of the saw, which varied from sVth to £th
of an inch ; 54 is a cut across a slice of basalt
(Khufu) ; 55 is a row of cuts in hard quartz rock,
the piece here being the heel left from slicing up a
block ; 56 is a piece of Khufu's basalt paving,
where the saw had run much askew, and been
backed out to a fresh face ; 57 is a cast of the
side of the portcullis in the great pyramid, showing
the marking out of work in granite by a saw cut,
to limit the hammer-dressing of a face.
These specimens amply prove the use of saws
which could cut granite. The saw cuts ran from
end to end of the sarcophagus of Khufu over y$
feet long. Allowing for the throw of the saw in
cutting, the blade must have been about 9 feet
long. The material of it was doubtless copper, as
no other metal was common at that time. The
actual cutting was certainly done by some hard
stone ; in what way we shall consider further on.
126. Another application of the same method of
working was by the tubular drill. This is illustrated
by the alabaster vase, 64, with the drill core still
in it, and the split vase, 65, in which a drill core is
now laid. 66 is a plaster cast of a drill hole in a
lintel of the granite temple at Gizeh, showing the
stump of the core left in it. 63 is a scrap of hard
limestone, on which drills have been tried. The
most perfect core is of red granite from Gizeh, 59.
On this a continuous groove of the drilling point
can be traced for several rotations, forming a true
screw thread, and showing a rapid descent of the
drill. The grooves run continuously across the
quartz and felspar crystals without the least check ;
as the felspar is worn down (by rubbing) more
than the quartz, the latter crystals stand highest ;
THE SAW
45
yet the grooves run with an even bottom through
a greater depth of quartz than of felspar. Every
mechanician who has examined this agrees that
nothing but a fixed point could have cut such
grooves. A loose cutting powder might wear
grooves, but they would have been slighter in the
harder crystal, instead of deeper, and they could
not pass across the fissures between varying crystals
without a check. Another core of granite has
finer grooves, 62. No. 61 is a core from an en-
larged hole in basalt ; a lesser hole had been cut
and found too small, and then a larger hole was
made, detaching thus a tube of basalt. 60 is a
piece of the outer side of a drill hole in diorite. 63
to 65 are noted above. 58 is a block of red quartzite
sandstone, with a curved surface, which looks as
if it were the outer side of a drill cut. The diameter
of 28 inches seems impossibly large ; yet no other
motion would produce a cylindrical surface with
perfect parallelism of the grooves, and the circum-
ference would not be longer than the straight saws.
67 is a drill core of alabaster. 68 is a core of
black and white porphyry, a stone which is only
known to have been wrought in the beginning of
the 1st dynasty ; it implies that tube-drilling was
already then developed with extremely hard fine
cutting points. 69, 70, 71 are cores of alabaster
from vases, showing the different sizes.
Nos. 72 and 73 are borers of sandstone, used
along with sand for boring out the interior of vases.
The hour-glass form of 73 was to enable it to be
slipped through a neck, and then turned flat to
drill a wider hole. It was rotated by a forked
stick holding the contracted part.
The tubular drill was used for all the hollowing
out of granite sarcophagi ; the traces of the sides
of drill holes are seen inside the sarcophagus of
Khufu. Rows of holes were cut, and then the
material that was left was broken away. Similarly
statuary was rough sawn, and the hollows cut out
with tube drills. The base of such a drill-hole
remains between the feet of the great statue of
Khofra at Cairo, the space between the legs having
been hollowed by a long drill hole. A small
statuette of quartz crystal, at University College,
has been begun by the profiles of front and sides
being cut out by a saw, as the first stage in working
it. See Arts and Crafts, fig. 89.
127. Lastly, what were the cutting points used
on hard stones ? That they were fixed points is
shown by the grooves in quartz and felspar noted
above. That they were extremely hard is proved
by a point cutting through quartz crystal, and the
very fine grooves on the black and white porphyry
core. The same is shown by the lines graved on
diorite with a cutting point, for hieroglyphs. These
are not scraped, but ploughed out with a single
cut. The line is only TTwth of an inch wide, so a
very strong and tough point would be needed.
That emery was familiar to the Egyptians at
that time is certain, as it was used long before that
in the prehistoric age. But could any emery point
stand such pressure on a fine edge ? The difficulty
would be settled at once if we could find any bort
or diamond known at that age. Engineers with
full experience of the subject, do not believe that
emery could do the cutting. Sir Benjamin Baker
remarked that any engineer now would be proud
to turn out such drill cores as the Egyptians did.
Certainly modern diamond drill cores are clumsy
and smudged work, when compared to the Egyp-
tian cores. If this is the best we can do with
diamond, can we suppose the Egyptians beating us
with only emery ?
For the irregular forms of hieroglyphs, tube drill-
ing was used at the corners, and sawing out with
blades fed with emery around the outlines. This
is proved by the scratches on the surrounding
polished surface, where the tool has slipped and
scored over the face. The inner mass was broken
away, and the hollow polished.
128. The method of hard-stone sawing was not
unknown elsewhere on the Mediterranean. At
Tiryns the hard limestone was cut with saws as in
the Egyptian work. In one of the saw cuts I saw
a lump of green material. This seemed likely to be
a bit of a saw, broken off and jammed in the cut.
I called Dr. Walter Leaf as a witness, and removed
half of the green material. It had every appear-
ance of corrosion of copper. In the powder were
small rectangular lumps of a black material, about
TVth inch long. These were determined to be
emery, at the Mineralogical Department, British
Museum. Such lumps of emery could not possibly
be used as a loose powder ; by their size they must
have been set in the copper saws. The Tiryns
example therefore proves the use of set-stone saws ;
being only for cutting hard limestone, emery would
there suffice, but this does not at all prove that
emery was used for the Egyptian granite work.
For cutting the soft alabaster, plain sand was
amply hard ; and where alabaster vases have been
46
THE SAW AND SICKLE
cut, of the early dynasties at Hierakonpolis, and of
Greek times at Memphis, large quantities of sand
and alabaster dust have been found.
129. On pi. liii are the mauls used for dressing
down surfaces of stone. They were regularly em-
ployed in the pyramid period, all the hard stone
that was not sawn being bruised down to a flat
face, and afterwards polished. This was the method
for the whole of the king's chamber in the pyramid
of Khufu, and for the statue of Khofra, on which
the stunned marks of blows may be seen not com-
pletely ground out. No. 74 is from Meydum, iiird
dynasty. 75, 76 are of syenite from Gizeh. 77 is
of basalt from Gizeh. 78, 79, 80 are quarry tools
of basalt from the Sinai mines, used in cutting the
sandstone at Serabit. Others are published in
Researches in Sinai, figs. 56-58. Besides these, flint
flakes were largely used there for graving out nodules
from the sandstone, see R.S. fig. 60, p. 159. No. 81
is from the alabaster quarry of Khufu at Amarna,
chipped in hard silicified limestone. The same
stone was used at Beni Hasan, 82 to 85, for the
regular implements for dressing down the walls of
rock chambers of the Middle Kingdom, and similar
ones were used at Qurneh (Qurneh, ix). 86 is a
similar tool chipped in brown quartzite sandstone.
No. 87 is a block of limestone from the pyramid
waste at Meydum. Such pieces were probably
used to pivot wooden levers upon, which served in
moving large blocks of stone.
Nos. 88, 89 are examples of hammer dressing, as
used in the process of sculpture. 88 is a head of a
canopic jar of silicified limestone. 89 is part of a
'kneeling figure in durite.
Nos. 90, 91 are unfinished bowls cut in soft lime-
stone, of Ptolemaic age, found in the waste around
the pyramid of Lahun. They were cut with a
chisel. 91 shows how the middle was hollowed by
flaking out large lumps, but in this case a blow
has struck away part of the bowl, and it was
abandoned. 92 is of similar working, begun and
spoiled, for a bowl of brown basalt, from Gizeh.
Specimens of different methods of dressing sur-
faces of stone are also in the collection, but they
cannot be suitably illustrated here.
THE SICKLE : (f) PLS. LIV, LV
130. The sickle is often represented in harvest
scenes, on the walls of the tomb chapels. The form
seems to have varied a good deal. Sometimes very
flat, as F 1, 5 ; more curved as F 2, 3 ; with a
marked heel as F 4, or a deep semicircle as F 6.
In any case the Egyptian (like the early English)
only cut off the heads of corn closely, and put them
in a bag, which was worn on the hip, or on the
-shoulder, where it was held by a band passing across
the forehead. The long straw was left to be pulled
up whole, being too valuable to be knocked about.
As we have in modern times given up thatching
and straw-work, we now cut the whole plant and
crush the straw merely as litter or packing material.
Though the sickle-flints are found of the pre-
historic age, the earliest actual sickles preserved
are of the xiith dynasty, from Kahun, F 7-9, lv ; 10 ;
there is also one in the British Museum, undated.
They are carved in wood, sometimes in one piece
(7, 8), sometimes built up (9, 10). A groove held
the notched flint flakes, which served as teeth,
cemented in place with Nile mud and glue. The
flints which have been used for this purpose can
always be identified by a very high polish along
the cutting edge, produced by the siliceous straw,
and a dull face elsewhere. An unusual form of
blade is figured in a drawing (11) ; it is so closely
like a bronze blade from French Switzerland (12)
that it is hard to believe an independent origin.
As there is also a link of about the same age between
Swiss tanged daggers, D 112-114, and Cypriote,
D 119, the influence of European on Eastern forms
at that period seems corroborated.
A small semicircular sickle of copper, with
hatched toothing (F 13), seems early by the style
of it. It is rather small for work, and is perhaps
a funereal model.
131. A much slighter curve is seen outside of
Egypt, in the Turkestan sickle, 14, Mykenaean, 15,
16, and Swedish, 17. These lead into the scythe
type, 18-22. It seems likely that all these flatter
curves are for cutting close to the ground, where
the stems are fixed, and have not to be bunched in
the hand. The angle of the handle varies much.
In the La Tene and Swedish, 17-20, the handle
makes an open angle with the tip. These must be
for holding in the hand, with a sawing motion. The
Idria type, 23-25, has the handle at a close angle
with the tip ; these are more for a dragging cut.
The Roman type, 21, 22, from Newstead and
Heidenberg, is the true scythe, to use with a long
handle standing up from the ground ; in these the
sawing cut was given by rotating the handle. The
Egyptian (26) and Pompeian type, 31-34, has a
THE BILL-HOOK
47
large gathering curve, and half the blade lies in
almost a circle around the hand, so as to give a
sawing cut from the wrist. The large curve was to
gather in a bunch to be held by the hand. The
open angle of 31 is like the Spanish sickle, and the
closer curve of 32-34 like the South American sickle.
The Hungarian 35 is probably of the Roman
type. The Russian 36 seems to come from the
open La Tene or modern Spanish type. The
mediaeval sickle seems to have been socketted (37),
descending from the western bronze age form. The
detail of the Roman sickles in Egypt, 26 to 30, is
quite peculiar to that land. They descend from
the wooden sickles with flint teeth ; the body is of
iron with a groove along the whole length ; in that
groove a strip of steel with teeth is inserted, and
can be renewed as often as needful. This is one
of the curiously isolated forms of tool which seems
never to have spread beyond Egypt. The sickles
23-35 are placed here with the handles upright, so
as to show the angle of cutting.
THE BILL-HOOK OR PRUNING-HOOK I (p) PLS. LVI,
LVII, LIX
132. The sickle, as we have seen, is the scythe
on a lesser scale, intended to cut a large quantity
of stalks, by a sawing motion. The bill-hook, on
the other hand, is intended to cut by a blow, struck
at only one or two stems of firmer growth. In a
sickle the hand must be either near the centre of
curvature, to sweep from the wrist and elbow (as
F 26-34) ; or in the line of curvature, to sweep
from the shoulder (as F 16-20) ; or the handle must
be at right angles to the plane of the sickle, to
sweep from the wrist (as F 7, 10) . But no sawing
motion could be simply given to any of the forms
of the hooks on pis. lvi, lvii, excepting perhaps P 17.
Therefore, though the size of some — as P 1 — over-
laps the sizes of the sickles, yet they cannot be
reckoned with true sickles, as the direction of the
cutting edge prevents a sawing motion from the
handle.
In the form of the pruning-hook there are two
different families. The Mediterranean family is
mainly required for the vine, and is therefore of a
large curve, and a gathering-in shape, in order to
catch and lop sprays out of reach. The northern
family is straighter, as it is mainly for cutting brush-
wood, for fuel and for basketry. In the modern
Rodding bill-hook, or the Scotch cutting-over bills,
a perfectly straight edge is reached. The Romans
recognised many varieties of falx by different names,
both with a sawing and a chopping action, as
foenaria for hay, messaria for reaping, putatoria
for pruning, vinitoria for the vine, arboraria for the
orchard, and silvatica for the woodman. The culter
had a straight edge, either as a knife or chopper, or
to rip up the sod by a plough.
The earliest European bill-hooks are of bronze,
starting with a large size in the fonderia at Bologna,
P 1, and others with a back chopper for cutting
hard stems, P 13, 14. The French (P 2, 3), South
Italian (P8, 9), and Assyrian (n) forms are prob-
ably for the vine. The Saxon forms (P 4-7) would
not make a sweeping cut, but are, like the English,
P 10, adapted for brushwood. The form with
back chopper was usual in the middle ages, P 15, 16.
In the iron examples the hook from Egypt, P 17,
is well dated, having been found by Belzoni under-
neath a sphinx of Rameses II (Belzoni, Researches,
p. 151). At the handle end the grain of wood is
marked in the rust. The form might be for a sickle
or a pruning-hook ; at present it stands quite alone,
no other such hook has been found in Egypt, or
elsewhere. It must certainly be early, as all
Greek and Roman hooks have a tang or socket ;
this has the weak hafting of the bronze age, as
P 2, 3, 8, 9. Looking at the curve, and the metal,
it seems more likely to be an importation of Norican
origin (see P 14, 18, 20). Another dated form is
the sickle or pruning-hook in the Assyrian group,
P 37, pi. lxxviii. This is between P 17 and the
Norican, P 20, and is probably of northern origin.
P 18 is of an early type, copied from the bronze
P13.
133. The straighter forms P21 to 25 are rather
choppers than bill-hooks, the breadth of the
blade being evidently for heavy work. The broad
blades with a short hook, P41 to 45, and 50,
appear to be woodmen's tools, to cut through
saplings, and to hook in branches, 41, 42 like
the modern Berkshire bill, 44, 45 like the modern
bush-hook. The very short, wide blade of 54
must be for some other purpose ; being only
fastened by two rivets into a bronze plating, any
heavy blow would have sheared the rivets, or torn
the plate. Perhaps, like the hook with a carved
ivory handle, P 59, it was a fancy tool for retired
leisure to trim city gardens. The sharp bend of
57, 58, is like the modern pea-hook.
The Egyptian pruning-hooks, P 30-36, lix, and
48
SHEARS, CUTTERS, TOILET TOOLS
52, are all of Roman age ; they were probably for
vines and fruit trees, as there are no copses in the
Nile valley. The nearest comparisons for the
socketted forms, 30 (Tarkhan), 31 (Wushym), and
35, are the Pompeian 48, 49. The tanged forms,
32, 33, seem more northern, like the French and '
Carniolan, 19, 20. Again, 34 is of the same curve
as the Carniolan 53, and 60 from Defenneh is
closely like 20. Probably these northern forms
were manufactured in Noricum, and imported into
Egypt. The little hook 36 is very carefully made,
with deep serrated teeth ; it has a Coptic twist-
pattern engraved on one side, and the name apa
pamoun on the other side of the handle, which is
also given here. It seems as if intended for some
religious purpose, perhaps for cutting ears of corn
to make sacramental bread. A similar knife,
inscribed apa pollo, was found at Balyzeh (P.G.
xxxviii, A, B).
The small, deeply curved hook is specially
northern, and mainly British, 61 to 67. The size
is too small for wood cutting, and the people of
Wookey Hole hardly cultivated fruit trees. Per-
haps these were for osier cutting, to make basketry.
The modern osier hook is similarly curved, and
smaller than for other purposes.
CHAPTER XI
SHEARS, CUTTERS, TOILET TOOLS, AND THREAD-
WORK
THE SHEARS : (Q) PLS. LVIII, LIX
134. Shears appear to have been of Italian in-
vention, at about 300 B.C. No bronze shears are
known, except an ornamental pair from Caerleon,
Q 25. The earliest are those from La Tene (1, 2,
31, 22), and from Bologna in tombs of the Gallic
age (3). They are classified here by the form of
the spring. The plain curve was usual at all
times, down to the mediaeval Q 8. In Pompeii
blades of iron rivetted to a bronze spring were not
uncommon (Q 12). In Egypt the simple shears are
found, as Q 17 (lix) ; but the more usual form there
is quite peculiar to that country. One limb is made
as seen on edge in Q 14, with a slot hole, and a
hook catch. The slot passed over an oblong pin
on the spring, and on turning the limb round it
was secured, and at the same time the hook caught
a second pin. Thus the limb, when its edge was
put past the fixed edge, was as completely fixed
as in ordinary shears ; but it could be disengaged
in a moment, in order to sharpen each limb separ-
ately. It is very strange that such a great im-
provement in shears should never have been copied
in any other country, ancient or modern. The wish
to get more range for the spring, so as to equalise
the force of it, without increasing the size too
wide for the grip of the hand, led to the expanded
spring, where the limbs are brought closer to-
gether for the grip, as in 18 to 26.
The blades Q 27 to 29 may have been intended
as separate limbs for shears, or they may be simple
knives, as K 48, 49. The breadth of the blade
seems more like shears, where a large sliding motion
is required. The great shears, Q30, can hardly
have been purely for use. They would be im-
possible for sheep shearing, or cutting hair or cloth.
Some ceremonial purpose is suggested by the size,
perhaps carried in a sheep-shearing festival.
Two-handed shears for cutting metal are rarely
found. Q 31 (lxxix) from Mainz is the only Roman
example, and Q32 is Anglo-Saxon. The form
remained in the Dutch tinman's shears, 1694 (Q 33),
and in the same of modern times. Perhaps the
Swedish, Q34, is to be considered as shears, as
requiring two hands, though the blades are of a
scissor form.
135. Scissors worked by separate fingers are not
dated earlier than the first century, Q36. Those
from Priene, 35, South Italy, 37, and Egypt, 38, are
of Roman age, but not dated more closely. The
snuffers are a special form of scissors, and are found
in Egypt, made of bronze, Q 39. From the metal
these can hardly be of very late date ; the thin,
weak form of the legs is inferior to the usual scissors
of Roman time, and they are probably Ptolemaic.
Neither of the two words in the Pentateuch
rendered as snuffers imply this form. One is
mezammeroth, from zahmar, to prune the vine,
implying a small knife to cut a lamp wick ; the
other word is malgah-khaym, from mahlag, to pinch
off, implying tweezers for trimming the burnt
part, like the lamp trimmers on pi. lxiv, Nos. 54
to 59.
The Dutch shears, Q 40, are much like those of
modern tailors, in the depth of the hinge pin.
Spring shears were also used in 1694, for cutting
out clothes (Het Menselyk bedrye, pi. 2).
HAIR CURLER AND RAZOR ! (x) PLS. LX, LXI
136. A curiously shaped utensil is found in
burials and towns, X 1 to 20. It is formed of two
RAZORS
49
parts ; a small knife, as seen separate in X 2 ; and
a trough of sheet copper, into which fits the pro-
jection of the knife back, retained by a pin on
which the parts hinge together. Thus the pointed
butt of the knife can be recessed into the trough,
as in 5, 6, 7 ; or else the back of the knife can be
recessed as in 9. The knife is sometimes sharp on
one side, as 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 ; in other examples
it is sharp at a wide end, as 1, 4, 5, 11, 12, 13.
These utensils are found at Mahasnah (grave 395)
as early as the vith to xth dynasties (1) ; in the
xiith dynasty at Kahun (2, 3) ; in the xviiith
dynasty at Gurob (5 to 8) and Amarna (4) ; and
about the xxiind dynasty at the Ramesseum (11).
That these were not merely trade tools is obvious
from the beautiful designs on them in the xviiith
dynasty. 14 is a running jackal ; 15 is a run-
ning panther ; 16 is a galloping horse ; 17 is a
crane, with the hinged opening made to represent
the jaws ; 18 is a group of a dog chasing a gazelle ;
19 is a galloping horse with plumes on the head ;
and 20 is a figure of Taurt. These figures are of the
best style, and they are some of the most charm-
ing and spirited work of the xviiith dynasty.
As to the utility of these articles, the knife was
the less important part, as it is diminished in some
figures, and entirely suppressed in 17, 18, 19 and
20. Hence the two points, hinging open or shut,
are the essential part. From the care and delicacy
of the decoration it is probable that these were
toilet articles ; and we may guess that the two
hinging points were for winding the little curls of
the wig. If the points were slightly heated, and
the curl was then wound, and stretched upon them,
by using them like a glove stretcher, the curl
would take a set. The wigs of two centuries ago
were curled by winding the hair on heated cylinders
of pottery. So the much closer curl of an Egyptian
wig would be set by the stretcher of warm metal.
The small knife would be required to cut off any
straying hair, but it was less important than the
curler.
137. Ancient razors are of two types, to scrape
like a modern razor, or to saw to and fro through
the hairs with a rotary motion. In the scraping
razor the hand is at the end of the cutting edge,
which is along the side of the blade. In the rotat-
ing razor the edge is an arc of a circle around the
grip, and it can be rotated around the grip, to
and fro.
The scraping razor must have been used from
7
the beginning of the 1st dynasty, as the earliest
dynastic people were shaved, while the predynastic
race was bearded. The razors 21, 22, are sharp-
ened at one edge ; from their form and the slight-
ness of the handle they may have been derived
from the flaying knife, K 1 to 4. These are pro-
bably of the iiird to vith dynasties. The project-
ing edge, X 23, 24, was certainly used in the xiith
dynasty, as dated at Dahshur to Amenemhot III,
X 25 ; and it continued in use till the xviiith dynasty
as dated to Hotshepsut, X26. After that the
rotating razor superseded it in Egypt.
The scraping razor was made in slightly varied
forms in Crete and Rhodes, X 27-30. Much the
same form occurs in iron at Madras, and bronze
at Mantua, X 31, 32.
Another form, having a point, looks as if it were
copied directly from a flint knife. It starts at La
Tene (X 33, 34) and is always of iron ; variants are
35 from the Ardennes, and the Roman examples
from the Milanese (36), from Pompeii (37, lxxix,
with marks of a wooden sheath rusted on it) and
from Mainz (38).
138. An entirely different type of scraping razor,
X39 to 63, seems derived from the flaying knife.
The earliest examples are X 39, 40, 41 from Crete,
belonging to the close of the Middle Minoan and
beginning of Late Minoan period. A broader form
became usual rather later in Italy, from the middle
of Etruria northward, 42. An unexplained variant
arose in Sicily, having a notch in the end ; this
comes from post-Mykenaean cemeteries, but with-
out any trace of iron, perhaps 1100 B.C. The notch
appears most certainly in the largest razor, 43,
which is probably the earliest of this group. The
notch dwindles in 45-47, widens in 44, leading to
a slightly concave end in X48, 49. The purpose
of it is quite obscure. X49 has an unsymmetric
ridge on each side, making the rhombic section here
marked in the middle of it. As the skin would be
held by the left hand in shaving, the right would
move outward away from the left, hence this sec-
tion gives the broader side of the edge outward
in use.
This type had remarkable travels. The Sicilian
form, 48, 49, seems closely copied in the Rhine
type, 50. The notch at the end cannot be dis-
sociated from the split end of the Syracusan form
51. This peculiar form again cannot be separated
from the Yorkshire form 52, from the Heathery
Burn, and similar forms from Wallingford, Dunbar,
50
RAZORS AND CUTTERS
and Ireland (Evans, Bronze) ; these must go with
the Wiltshire 53. The other West of England
razors, 54 and 55, probably are of the same stock.
The type penetrated to the Continent ; the Flemish
form, 56, with a split end, is too peculiar not to be
connected with the Yorkshire 52. An enormous
development of the end notch seems to have arisen
in Switzerland, South Germany, and France, in the
forms 57 and 58, which have not apparently any
other origin. In South Italy an entirely different
line of development was followed, leading to a
square razor, 62, 63. The notch at the end in 59,
60, links these to the Sicilian type ; the notch re-
cedes into the blade, as a hole, in 61 from Athens,
and an echo of it may remain in the circle pattern
on 63. In looking over the whole series it is
evident the Cretan flaying-knife razor is the earliest
in actual dating. Only from that type could the
Sicilian form be derived. From the Sicilian notched
form three other branches come, the split in England
and Flanders, the lunate razor of Germany, and
the square razor of Italy. It seems impossible,
from the progress of type, and the relative ages
of the groups, to arrange them in any other his-
torical sequence. This throws much light on lines
of trade; the English and Flemish forms arrived
by some other route than Italy, and probably the
German forms by a third route.
139. The rotating razor begins as a strip of metal
sharpened at the end, X 64, pi. lx, from Dahshur,
X65, lxi, from Kahun, both of the xiith dynasty.
This type had a loop added in the form of a goose's
head, X 67, in the xviiith dynasty ; and perhaps
from this may come the northern razors, X 68, 69.
Another such form is that with Taurt, X 66. Plain
strips were also used, as X 72, 73. As these strips
were grasped at the middle, and the end worked
with a sawing motion, it was a simple step to hold
them by the thumb and finger, and rotate them
to and fro. The whole razor of this type, as fully
developed, is X78, 79 (two duplicates of 79).
Holding the middle of the blade between the thumb
and finger, the little finger and third could hold
the projecting spur and vibrate it to and fro, thus
rotating the razor and working the edge in a saw-
fashion. Other examples here have lost the handles,
as X 74, 75 (two duplicates), 76, 77, 80, 81. No.
75 is the only inscribed razor that I have seen,
belonging to the " guardian of the door of Rannut,
Pasar." Nos. 80, 81, are of the reign of Tehut-
mes III, 78 and 79 are probably about Amen-
hetep III. From La Tene comes 83, an adaptation
of the same form ; by holding it on the straight
part of the stem, and vibrating the ball, the edge
would be rotated to and fro.
This type was evidently copied at Carthage,
X 82 ; but modified by providing a ring to hold as
the centre of motion, and a long neck and head of
a goose for the little finger to vibrate.
The ring in the previous example shows how the
ring handles of Italian razors were to be held, X 85
to 94. In the best formed, 93, 94, a large part of
the edge nearly centres on the ring handle, and
would be worked to and fro by rotation round the
ring. The little spur at the base of the blade in
86, 87, 88, looks as if it were to be worked on by
the finger. Without actual experiment and prac-
tice the mode of handling these razors cannot be
settled.
The latest razor is a steel-edged blade, X 84 from
Oxyrhynkhos, which was worked like a knife.
leather cutter, and cutting-out knife :
(l) pls. lxii, lxiii
140. The short blade used with heavy pressure
for cutting leather, has always been of much the
same shape. An example in the Cairo Museum,
Li, is closely like one figured in the tomb of
Rekhmara, L2, of the xviiith dynasty. The
bronze L49 from Memphis is probably a leather
cutter, but without a wooden handle. The modern
Greenland form, L 4, seems to be for the same
purpose, and is like the present saddler's knife. A
very simple knife on the same principle is the rough
bit of iron set in wood, L3, which I owe to Dr.
Seligman, who informs me that it is used for cutting
maize stalks in Kordofan.
For detailed cutting a smaller blade and longer
handle are needed. These appear in the iron age at
La Tene and Stradonic in Hungary, L 5, 6. A
later, and more decorated, form is from Auvergne,
7. The square-ended blades, 8, 9, of Roman age,
might be used for long straight cuts. The slope-
ended blade of Pompeii (10) is of bronze, and is
called a paste-cutter; that from Heidenberg (11)
might be a form of socket chisel. The socketted
cutter, 12, from the Roman camp at Newstead,
has been called a turf cutter. The ornamental
cutting in a garden is an unlikely purpose, and for
cutting peats or turves a long blade is needful.
This might be a small spud, but it is so much like
No. 6 that they are classed together here.
CUTTERS AND TWEEZERS
51
141. Another tool akin to the leather-cutter- is
the cutting-out tool for linen. Before scissors were
started in the Graeco-Roman age, or shears in the
late iron age, some special form of knife was re-
quired to cut out linen garments. The type of
knife L 17-26 is often found with burials of women
(e.g. Illahun, xvii), and it is exactly adapted to
cutting out on a flat board. The convex curves at
the top and at the butt are the only sharp edges.
The top curve would be for making a running
cut, and the butt for chopping through any
tough threads, or parts that dragged in the long
cut.
The earliest cutting-out knife is from Abydos,
just before the 1st dynasty, L 13A, pi. lxxix ; the
next is that found in the tomb of king Zet, first
dynasty, L 13 ; another of the same form, L 29
(lxiii), is without locality, but obviously of the
same age. Only the two convex curves are sharp.
The large flat knife, 28, apparently for cutting out,
is like one of the vith dynasty from Mahasnah
(G.M. xxxiii).
The beginning of the single-curved end is seen
in L30, 31, 32; these are probably of the xiith
dynasty, compare K 95, though a further form of
this lasted till the xviiith dynasty, L 21, 22. Also
of the xiith dynasty is the beginning of the notch,
as in L 14 from Diospolis and L 33 from Ballas.
Of the photographs none of the remainder are dated,
except 43, 44, of xviiith or xixth dynasty, from
Gurob. The drawings are all of dated examples
from tomb-groups. Under Tehutmes I, No. 15,
the form is like L 34. Nos. 16 to 22 are all within
the long reign of Tehutmes III ; with these go L 35
to 42. The later cutters are narrower in the
handle, as 23 of Amenhetep III, with which goes
43, 44. The xixth dynasty is marked by the pro-
jections of the butt edge, as in 24, 26, and with
these go L 45, 46, 47. The only inscribed speci-
men is 45, reading " Uab-priest of Anhur." L27
is probably about the time of Tehutmes III ; it
combines the wig curler with this form of knife.
After the xixth dynasty no examples are known
with any dating. The knife L 48 is of the same
form of cutting edge, but quite different in the
stem. It seems of later date, as it has a tang for
a handle. The strange little knife, L 50, is covered
with punched patterns. It was bought in Egypt,
and cannot be dated. Above the last are three
curved slips of bronze ; they may be models of
some tool, or possibly eyebrows from a coffin.
TWEEZERS : (Y) PLS. LXII, LXIV
142. The two main uses of tweezers are for re-
moving hairs and extracting thorns. For the
former purpose wide jaws were usual; for the
thorns, narrow or pointed jaws, to press down into
the flesh. Where wide jaws are used there is no
need for a wide hinge, as a little side play is of no
consequence ; but with pointed jaws the hinge
must be wide, to prevent the points slipping aside,
one past the other.
No tweezers have been found in the prehistoric
graves ; but by the middle of the first dynasty, in
the tomb of Semerkhet, there was an admirable
pair of tweezers, Y 1. This has a very wide hinge,
thin and flexible, with stiff legs, so as not to flatten
out with pressure. From this we may similarly
date Y23, 24, pi. lxiv. Though 25 is like the
Pompeian Y 20, yet the style of manufacture, and
its being apparently of copper, show that it is
early dynastic. Y 26 has pointed jaws, so that it
would be difficult to grasp anything. Next after
these come the tweezers from Mochlos, of early
Minoan II period, like 28 (S.M. 35).
In the xiith dynasty wide jaws were usual, and
a narrow hinge, Y2, 3. In order to keep the
tweezers in proper order, when carrying them hung
from the girdle, they were often set on a block of
hardwood, or of ivory, as Y 27, 28. Similar blocks
were used in Denmark (S.A.N. 1908-9, p. 89). To
the same period belong other wide-jaw forms, some-
times strangely decorated, as Y 2, 3, 30, 31, 32, 33 ;
29 is from Rifeh, and 30 from Kahun. In the
xviiith dynasty tweezers were very poorly made,
as Y 34, 35, 36, 37. There are six duplicates of 35,
and two of 36 ; also duplicates of 29, 39.
In the Roman age there are many forms; simple
loops as 41 (and duplicate), 42, with wire hinge
and flat legs. Y 43 has a term bust at the hinge,
and depends entirely on the spring of the legs.
Y 44 has an openwork head. Y 45 has a slot in
each leg, for a sliding pin to clip the legs together.
In the late Roman and Coptic age sets of thorn
tools, to hang at the girdle, became usual. The
set generally consisted of a minute knife to open
up the skin, a point to press below the thorn to
raise it, and small tweezers to extract the thorn.
The frequency of prickly plants on the desert edge
made such tools to be more required in Egypt than
in other lands. The earlier stage is seen in the
xviiith dynasty, when slips of bronze were made
52
TOILET TOOLS AND THREAD-WORK
with long sharp points, and kept sometimes in a
bunch of half a dozen ; but they were not fastened
to the tweezers.
Y 46 is a bunch of a knife, a point, a presser (?),
and other indistinct pieces. Below it is a simple
point, 47. 48 is a bunch of tweezers, pricker, and-
knife. 49 is a knife separately. 50 is a ring with
tweezers and point. Y 51 , from Lahun, and 52 are
bunches of all three tools. Y 53 is a pair of tweezers,
with a point hinging on a rivet through the tweezers,
so that it can be turned out sideways, or else carried
between the tweezers for protection. Y 54 to 59
are large weak tweezers of iron, sometimes with
a long point (57, 58) ; they are all from Oxyrhynkhos,
and seem to be a local form. Duplicates are here
°f 55 (4); 57 (2); and 59. They are far too
rough and weak to grip thorns, and seem to be
probably for lamp trimming, like the pinchers —
translated snuffers or tongs — mentioned in the
Pentateuch. The length of them was required to
keep them cool enough to hold, when engaged in
a hot flame.
143. Turning now to the European forms, we see
that the La Tene form (MX. 291) is closely like that
of Y 30, and large sizes do not appear until the
iron age. The early forms are small, simple, and
not well made, being narrow both at jaw and at
hinge, Y 4, 5. A grip clutch was often used, Y 6-8,
which is scarcely needed for thorns ; this suggests
a surgical use, to secure a hold on internal tissues
when operating. Very wide jaws were used in the
north, as Y 9, 10. At Pompeii the skew form,
Y 12, 13, was favoured, in order to get a clearer
view when in use. Simple and rude forms arc
found widely spread, as Y 14 to 19, probably the
earliest stage on the European side. The bunch
of thorn tools occurs in the north, Y 21, and a
similar set from South Germany has an earpick also
(M. V. 69) ; these are attributed to the late Hall-
statt period. This would suggest that the Egyp-
tian examples are not Roman in origin, but were
brought by the northern garrisons, which have
left so many Frankish and other remains in Egypt.
Yet a much earlier source of the type appears in
the copper age of Mesopotamia. Banks found " little
funnel-shaped cases containing four instruments
held together by a key ring .... a pair of tweezers
and three knife blades of different shapes " (Bismiya,
p. 310).
The pair of pincers, Y 22, was£doubtless for
surgical use.
BORERS, PINS, AND NEEDLES \ (n) PLS. LXII, LXV
144. Early borers are always mere expanders for
forcing and enlarging a hole in skins ; it is not till
later that the advantage of a square form to cut
the hole larger, is adopted. The simple squared
borers here are N 29 to 32 from Naqadeh, of pre-
historic Egypt ; N 1 of the 1st dynasty ; and 33 to
35 of the xiith dynasty, from Kahun. The figure
of a borer in a handle, N 2, is of the same date.
N 36, 37 in handles, both round, are without a his-
tory. N 38 is square, and 39, 40 are round, from
Harageh, xiith dynasty. N 41 is square, and 42, 43,
44 round, from Amarna, xviiith dynasty. 45-47 are
square, and 48-51 are round, of the xviiith-xixth
dynasties from Gurob. 52 is square, and 53 round,
from the Ramesseum. 54, of unknown site, is of iron
and square. 55 to 57 are flat copper bodkins. There
are five round and two square borers without a
history. From Europe there is a round borer from
La T£ne, N 3 ; from Susa, N 4 is a round borer
with a square shank showing that it had a fixed
handle.
145. Two interesting tools are 58, 59, of bronze.
They are both very thin, and incapable of being
used with force ; they can only have been worked
with very delicate handling, and they seem to
exactly agree to the requirements of the needle used
for splitting papyrus (Pliny, xiii, 23). The length
would allow of taking off the breadth for a roll,
the double edge of 59 would work in either direc-
tion, the thinness would prevent straining the leaf,
and the lightness would enable the hand to feel the
way between the leaves without cutting through
them.
146. The pin may be regarded as the prototype
of the borer, being left in the hole to secure the
garment. To turn over the end of the borer so as
to tie it on, and prevent its loss, was a common
stage in most lands. In Egypt the copper pin with
loop head is found in the oldest graves known,
s.D. 30. The examples here are on pi. lxv, N 102,
of s.D. 71 (Naqadeh 485) ; 103 (Naq. 1460) ; 104,
107 (Naq. 63) ; 108 (Naq.) ; 109 (South town,
Naq.) ; and two unplaced, 105-6. A simple form
of loop head is found down to the xiith dynasty,
N 12, lxii. Outside of Egypt the simple turn-over
head is found in Western Persia, N 13 ; and the
turn-over and twisted heads are found in many
parts of Europe, as N 5 to n, which are from
drawings kindly sent by M. Siret.
NEEDLES, SPINNING AND WEAVING
53
The toggle pin is dated in Egypt to the xviiith
dynasty, as in N 15, 16, 17. It is found in My-
kenaean Greece, and also in Western Persia, N 14.
The history of pins belongs rather to toilet and
personal ornaments, and will be dealt with more
fully in the volume on that section.
147. Needles of copper begin to appear in the
earlier part of the second prehistoric civilisation,
s.d. 48 in Egypt. Four here, N 66 to 69, are from
a prehistoric grave, Naqadeh 63. Some of them
are pointed at the butt, which is not the case later.
From Kahun are N 70 to 74 of the xiith dynasty.
Similar needles, N 75 to 79, are from the opposite
site of Harageh, of the xiith dynasty. The very
long and thin bronze needle, 80, is one of a group
found stored in a bird's bone, site unknown, probably
of the xviiith dynasty. The needles 81 to 84 from
Gurob, and 85-87 from Amarna, are also of the
xviiith dynasty. 87 is peculiar for having two thread
holes at right angles, to sew two threads at once.
All these are of bronze. The total of the copper
and bronze needles at Univ. Coll. are, prehistoric
3 from Naqadeh, iiird dynasty 3 from Meydum,
xiith dynasty 31 from Kahun, 24 from Harageh;
xviiith dynasty 57 from Gurob, 11 from Amarna.
Undated 5 from Koptos, 17 unplaced.
The great coarse needles or bodkins are later ;
88 is of bronze undated, 89 is from the Ramesseum,
perhaps 800 B.C. Of iron, 90 is from Memphis ;
91 from Gurob ; 93 from Hawara ; 94 from Lahun ;
95 from Oxyrhynkhos ; 96, 97, pi. Ixix, are from
Rifeh ; all these are probably of Roman age. A
set of late Roman needles from Hawara are
N 21 to 25. Similar needles of the Coptic age
were found at Balyzeh (P.G. xxxviii, A, B). Of
European needles, N 19 is from Bologna, about
500 B.C. ; N 20 is a bronze bodkin from Athens,
pi. Ixix.
Netting needles are found from the xiith dynasty,
of wood. N 98 is a bronze one from Harageh, of
the xiith. N 99, 100 are bronze netters undated.
Two of wood are among weaving implements, 130,
131, in the next plate. The end of an iron
netting needle, N 26, is from Defenneh. N 27
is a bronze netting needle from Athens ; the eyes
are at right-angles one to another. Netting
was greatly used for fishing nets at all periods in
Egypt.
A bronze thimble, open at both ends, was bought
in Egypt, N no, xliv ; the date is not known, but
probably Roman.
SPINNING AND WEAVING : (N) PL. LXVI
148. The simplest method of using thread was in
a ball, or on a reel. In the xiith dynasty little
balls of thread are often found, wound on scraps
of pottery. In the xviiith dynasty reels of clay
are common, as N in, 112 (Gurob) ; sometimes
they are larger, of blue or green glazed pottery with
a pattern, N 113, 114, which are probably of the
xxiind dynasty. Larger reels, 115 (blue paste) and
116 (wood), were made from the xviiith dynasty
onward. Probably these reels were used for net
making, instead of netting needles. A turned reel
of polished wood, 117, has thread on it still ; it is
probably Roman.
Bodkins of wood are often found, as 118 to 122.
Bobbins for pillow netting, like pillow lacework,
were made of bone, 123, and of ebony, 124, in order
to distinguish two classes of thread (Gurob) ; these
are probably of xixth dynasty, but might be
Roman. Similarly bits of reed were used for the
thread, as 125.
Netting was generally done with pointed rib
bones, 128, 129, on which thread was wound. These
are from Gurob, and such netters abound in sites
of the xviiith and xixth dynasty, and were likewise
used in Assyria. Netting needles of wood are some-
times found, as 130 (Kahun) and 131 (Gurob).
149. For spinning, the small rounded limestone
spindle whorls abounded in the prehistoric town at
Naqadeh. The domed limestone whorl, 138, and
coned wooden whorl, 139, are of the xiith dynasty
from Kahun. 140 is the typical cylindrical whorl
of the xiith dynasty ; there are also many others
here from Kahun. The thread notch in that age
was a deep spiral groove round the shaft. N 141,
142 are the typical domed whorls of the xviiith
dynasty, found with many others at Gurob. The
thread notch is a cut across the shaft near the top.
N 143 to 147 are the Roman spindles, with iron
hooks to retain the thread. A beautiful spindle of
bronze, pi. Ixii, N 28, is at Athens.
150. Shuttles are rather rare. N 126 has the stock
of thread wound on it, and retained by cross bind-
ing. N 127 had a reel for the thread in a middle
gap ; it is weighted with plugs of lead, to enable it
to be thrown with better effect.
Pieces of looms are sometimes found. 137 may
be a weaver's warp beam with pegs for the groups
of warp threads ; or it may be part of a harp. 133,
134. 135 (Gurob) are bars for spacing the groups of
54
AGRICULTURAL TOOLS
warp threads. 132, 136 (Gurob) are slays or
beaters-in for driving up the thread between the
warp.
Weavers' combs were introduced in late Roman
times to push up the woof thread into place, instead
of putting in the long slay between the two sets
of warp threads. These combs are often much
worn between the teeth by sliding on the warp
threads. N 148, 151, 153 are the usual combs.
150, from Wushym, is a bit of comb-teeth cut to
renew a comb, rather than throw it away when
worn out. 152 has a curved handle. 153 is from
Gurob. 154 from Wushym, is of a very small size,
probably for weaving bands. N 148 has two Arabic
words roughly cut upon it, perhaps reading qelateh
'ayat : possibly a man of Kafr el Ayat.
A large number of iron pegs, N 61 to 64, pi. lxv,
were found together. The lower parts are in good
state, only the top inch or so is rusted. On some
of them near the point are worn fine cross grooves.
It seems as if these were the stock of pegs for a
ground loom. They were driven into the dry earth,
and were only rusted at the top where exposed to
the dew. The pegs were also used singly by hand
to push up threads or to disentangle them, and
hence the fine grooves worn near the point, by
slipping over threads covered with grit. With
these was a chisel of iron (60) with the letters alpha
delta theta incised. For a study of ancient weav-
ing see L. Roth, Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms,
I9I3-
CHAPTER XII
AGRICULTURAL TOOLS '. (G) PLS. LXVII, LXVIII, LXIX
151. The simplest of all means of cultivation is
the natural hoe, cut from a forking branch, such
as G 57 (lxviii). Such hoes are still used among the
hill tribes in Central Africa ; and from the speci«
men here from Kahun we see that it continued in
use through the high civilisation of the Old and
Middle Kingdom. A bronze model of this type is
here, G 70 (lxix), and a wooden model is copied,
G 77, pi. lxxii.
The next stage was the compound hoe, with a
wooden blade, the tenon at the top of which was
inserted through the wooden handle. To resist the
strain in working, a cord tied the blade back to the
handle. This cord was kept in place usually by
notches in the sides of the blade, as G 59 (lxviii)
from Kahun, or the bronze funerary models, G 68,
69 (lxix). In other blades holes were cut, through
which the cord was passed, as G 62 from Herak-
leopolis, 64 (lxviii), and 78, pi. lxxii. Wooden models
are found in tombs (58, 60, 61, lxviii).
The Egyptian plough was developed from the
hoe. The ox was tied to the long handle, and the
ploughman held the forking of the hoe. The large
blade, 63 (lxviii), must, by its size, have been used
as a plough.
152. Winnowing fans are often found, and are
shown in use on the tomb scenes of the vth dynasty.
A pair such as G 65, 66 (lxviii) were held by the
rounded backs, one in each hand. The trodden
grain and chaff was scraped up from the threshing
floor, upon the boards, and lifted up till it could
be tossed on high for the wind to blow away the
chaff. Some boards, as 66, have an equal rounding
on each side, so that they could be held in either
hand ; usually they are only right- or left-handed.
Other agricultural implements on pi. lxix are
the rakes, 74, 75, which are often found of the
xiith dynasty ; these are from Kahun. They were
usually but slightly notched, being for dragging
the mud over the seed, when sown on the retiring
inundation. The mud, when once dried, is far too
hard to be broken up by a rake, like lighter soils ;
the only use of a rake is upon the soft mud.
The yoke was used from the iiird dynasty, but
71 is of Roman period, from the Fayum (see G.W.
466). The bar next to it, 72, is a light carrying
yoke to put across a man's shoulder. Though this
was used anciently (see G.W. figs. 112, 144), and is
so common in China now, it has entirely disappeared
from modern Egypt.
The heavy club, 73, was for beating out fibre of
some kind ; it has been much polished by wear.
Another kind of bat, perhaps for beating flax, is
at the base of pi. xlix, W 240. The remainder of
the objects on pi. lxix are weapons described under
R and V.
The Egyptian agricultural tools being all of
wood have been taken here together, leaving the
European tools to be next considered, pi. lxvii.
153. In the light volcanic-ash soil of Pompeii the
hoe was the usual tool, taking the place of a spade
in heavier soil. The same use of the large hoe is
continued about Naples at present. The very wide
hoes, G 1, 2, 4, 8, used at Pompeii, and for the ash
soil of the Campagna, were partly retained by the
Romans elsewhere, as in Egypt, with a deep socket,
AGRICULTURAL TOOLS
55
5 (lxxix) ; but the edge was narrowed, and a pick
was added to break up the earth, in the tools
used in Germany and Britain, 3. A pointed form
was adopted, as in Germany, 12, and Spain, 11 ;
or a smaller blade altogether, in Hungary, 7. The
socket was very clumsy and heavy in many
Pompeian tools, as 1, 2, 8, 9, but was much reduced
in the form from Rome, 10, where it is ribbed to be
as strong and light as possible. It may be that
the needlessly heavy tools were for the slaves of the
latifundia, and made too strong to be easily spoiled,
while the lighter tool was the choice of the free
cultivator.
An entirely different type of hoe, very narrow,
long, and pointed, 13, 14, 15, comes from Athens,
and was used in mediaeval France. The purpose of
this is evidently for work in stony soils, on which
the broad hoe would be checked and broken. The
point would glance off the stones, the narrow
blade pass between them, and the concave form
of the blade gave strength to lever the stones out
of the ground when required. It is like the modern
ox-tongue grubbing hoe. The broad hoe, with a
long tubular socket, was used in France on lighter
soils, 16.
On the slopes of the Apennines a narrow and
heavy hoe was preferred, 17, 19, with a double pick
for breaking up clods, like the modern fork-end
hoe ; these come from the ruins of Velleia, south
of Piacenza. The type was brought into Britain,
and is found in Gloucestershire, 18.
154. The spade is a much later tool than the hoe,
and none are preserved before Roman times. Both
the pointed and the square spade were in use at
Pompeii, 22, 24. The pointed spade is made with
an internal socket block, pointed at each end, and
the outer plates rivetted to it. Small spades as
25, 26, run down in size to the spuds 28 to 31.
The shovel with raised sides, 27, is much less usual.
In Norman times the spade, 20, was only one-sided ;
it was cut in wood, and shoed with sheet iron.
Similar iron shoes are found in Roman times, so
that the wooden spade may well have been the
primitive form. The Normans also used the broad
shovel, with the eye or box handle, 23. The crutch
handle, 21, appears with the pointed spade in
Dutch use, 1694. It might be expected to be
earlier than the box handle, but I have not come
across it.
155. Ploughs in Italy are shown in detail by
two bronze models, 32. 33. They are of different
form ; in 32 the plough is simple, like a hoe, and
the yoke is not fashioned to keep the oxen apart.
33 is more advanced ; by the share resting flat on
the ground it seems likely that it turned the sod
over, though there is no mould-board to it ; the
yoke is shaped to a fixed distance of the oxen.
Neither plough has a coulter. A bronze plough-
share, with a socket and three projecting ribs, comes
from Egypt, top left, pi. lxxi, G 76. The share of
Greek period in Egypt, G 37, was a stout plate of
iron, with the corners lapped round to form a
socket. A similar design is widely spread in
Pompeii, Italy, Sweden, and Russia (34, 35, 36, 38).
It seems defective in preventing the metal from
being pushed back when in use ; a grip around the
wooden stem would seem needful. Perhaps these
were all used flat on the ground, like the flat foot
of fig. 33. A form of two-handled plough was
used in Roman Egypt (40) with a flat sole, and no
means of throwing the sod aside. Probably it was
for sandy ground, in which there was no solidity
in the sod. The ploughshare and coulter of
mediaeval France is 39.
156. Forks for lifting and tossing straw or hay
were used early in Egypt. The form 41 is cut
from a naturally forking branch. The form 42,
singularly like the Etruscan 43, seems artificial.
The Egyptians, however, had such elaborate train-
ing of wood to grow in required forms, that this
might be all due to growth. 48 is a late form of
iron fork from Defenneh ; this and 47 might be
fish-spears. 44 is so short that it seems rather to
be a double dibble. 45, 46, 49 and 50 are probably
agricultural forks.
The iron rake for breaking the soil, G 51 to 56,
was a common tool, with two, three, or four prongs.
Probably all are of Roman age.
THE HORSE-BIT : (w) PLS. LXX, LXXI
157. There appear to be three stages in the
types of the bit ; first the simple snaffle — a plain
bar or jointed bar, acting by merely holding the
mouth ; secondly, the protected snaffle — with a
large ring or a bar at each side to prevent the rein
from slipping into the mouth ; thirdly, the curb,
with the bars lengthened and linked together behind
the jaw, so as to exert a leverage on the jaw when
pulled back.
The solid bar bit is found in Egypt at Defenneh
about 600 b.c. (10, 11) ; also in North Italy (14)
56
HORSE-BITS
and oouth Germany (5), and later at Pompeii (21).
The advantage of the linked bit in compressing as
well as holding the mouth, caused it to become
general. The side ring may be in one with the bar,
as no. 1 from Trentino and Siberia. The rings,
however, are generally loose ; sometimes small,
just for attachment, as in the Bologna (2) and
Sarmatian (4) form ; or else large, to prevent biting
the reins, in the German (5) and Celtic bits, as in
Spain (3), La T£ne, Lochlea, Ireland, etc. The
large rings with a twisted bit are also found in
Denmark.
The bit with side bars arose from using tusks or
horns at the side to prevent tricks with the reins.
These are often found in the lake dwellings. In
the side bars of the Belgian bit, 7, we probably see
the copying of leg-bones of a dog or other small
animal. The plain side bars, 6 to 13, belong to the
north, none being south of Belgium ; the Egyptian
bars, 9, are too much decayed to show the ends.
Ivory side bars with iron links were made by the
late Merovingians (M.V. 36).
158. The curb begins with the connecting of the
side bars by cross-ties through eyes on the bar.
This is a more southern form, between Moeringen
and Georgia on the north, and Bologna and Spain
on the south (14 to 18). The S-shaped side bars
are further south, in Epirus (19, 20) and Pompeii
(21). The long bar with teeth on the inner side is
found in Egypt, W 40 (lxxi) and two others.
Exactly the same form occurs in the later graves of
Mykenae (A.C. 2553), probably about 1000 B.C. ;
and this indicates the most likely source of the
Egyptian form, as only the plain bit without rings
or bars appears in Egyptian sculptures.
Elaborate open-work plates, instead of side bars,
came into use in the later bronze age in Italy. The
simplest is the triangle hung on the bit (22), with a
bronze link to attach the rein. Various decorative
forms were used, 23 to 29, throughout Etruria,
but not beyond.
Another type adopted, to keep the side bar
from being bitten, was the curved side bar. This
very likely originated in using boars' tusks for the
sides. It occurs with a solid bar, as a snaffle, in
the iron age in Italy, 30 ; also in Spain, 31, 32,
both as snaffles. Converted into a curb, it is a
Central European form, at La Tene 33, Sarrelouis
36, Stillfried 34, and Bohemia 35. It is also
eastern, as it is found in Georgia (38) of the first
iron age, and of about the same date at Nineveh
•*"(37)- This oriental type is that of the Egyptian
example, 39 (lxxi), which may have been left be-
hind by an Assyrian invasion.
The heavy bit, 41, is of an entirely different kind,
depending on hurting the inside of the mouth, and
not on holding the jaw. It is of classical Greek age,
being described by Xenophon. A short chain is
in the middle, on either side of it a sharp three-
pointed star, so that one point must press cruelly
on the tongue or the palate ; next a sharp-edged
disc, then two wide rings covered with points to
press the lips. The whole was so heavy that two
lyre-shaped loops of iron held it up by straps to
the head-band. Outside of all are the two long
hooks for the reins.
Another entirely different form of bit is the broad
plate across the nose, found at Pompeii (N. 75576),
and still the usual form in Naples.
SPUR
159. One iron spur has been obtained in Egypt,
W 58, pi. li. The plain form of the prick, without
any enlargement, is peculiar. All of the spurs
after the thirteenth century have rowels ; and
before that nearly all have enlarged points on a
narrower neck, as W 59, lxxii (D.W. 344-9). In
the eighth century German spurs have thick points
without a neck ; and a Greek bronze spur, 60, from
Naples (now in Paris) has a plain point on a disc
base (D.W. 115). This Egyptian example is most
like the last mentioned, and may probably be
Roman in date.
BRAND : '(w) PL. LXXI
160. The brands or stamps are shown on pi. lxxi
in side view, with the front view above, reflected
in a mirror, and therefore in the same direction as
the impression. How they were used, and on what
material, are speculative questions. No impres-
sion of such a stamp has been found. The isolation
of the stamp, as open work in most cases (43, 44,
47, 48, 49), and on a long stem, strongly suggests
that it was heated, and acted as a brand. Some
are solid-body stamps (42, 45, 46), and of a smaller
size ; both these characters would prevent use as
brands, and we must regard these as colour stamps,
pintaderas. That they were not used on permanent
material, as clay sealings, or branding wood or
linen, seems proved by our having here eight
brands, each of which was probably used dozens or
DOMESTIC TOOLS
57
hundreds of times, while not a single impress of
such a stamp has been seen. They were probably
used on perishable articles, animal or vegetable.
The subjects are the royal name (Aohmes I, 43)
or emblems of divinities, Hathor 42, Set 44, 46,
Mut 45, and the goose of Amen 47, 48, 49. With
the goose in 48 is the sign men ; though smen is a
kind of goose, there would be no object in putting
part of the bird's name; this must, rather, be
connected with the usual abbreviation of Amen as
Men in the cartouche of Pamay, and taken as
meaning the name of the god. The period of them
must be from the beginning of the xviiith dynasty
(43), through the- devotion to Set (44, 46) in the
xixth dynasty, to the time of Pamay, xxiind dynasty.
It seems probable that the open-work brands were
for marking slaves or cattle dedicated to a god,
and the smaller solid stamps were for a colour
stamp on devotees at the festival of the god.
CHAPTER XIII
DOMESTIC
FIRE-HOOKS : (w) PLS. LXXI, LXXII, LXXIV
161. The form of a hand on a long rod of bronze
is known in Greek usage as a fire-tender. The
charcoal or wood in universal use only required
gently shifting, as it burnt away on the brazier.
In Egypt the same form occurs, probably beginning
with Greek usage, as 120 (lxxii) from Naukratis,
119 from Defenneh, and 118, pi. lxxiv. Possibly
the copper rod with plate at the end, 121, may be
a form of the same tool. Another form combined
a hook and point with the hand ; this is shown on
the usual half scale 51, pi. lxxiv, and smaller to in-
clude the whole object as 51, pi. lxxi; at the butt
it has an animal head, and a long chain, by which
it was attached to the brazier. The smaller plain
hook and spike, 50 (lxxi), is for the same purpose.
It is given of the same scale as the rest of the plate,
at the left ; and at the right it is of the scale of the
large fire-hook. Two unexplained objects may be
here noted ; 122 (lxxii) is a pointed strip of bronze,
rolled up at the end ; 123 is a large iron blade with
socket handle, the form rather suggests a " beater-
up " for a loom, perhaps for woven rush mats.
MANACLES
162. The pair of bronze manacles, W 52, lxxi, is
of a rather clumsy pattern. One side of the lower
8
grip can be unhooked in the middle ; but there is
no means of opening the upper grip, perhaps it was
slipped on to a post or beam.
STAFF HEAD
163. The wooden walking staves were sometimes
shod or tipped with bronze. This tube, W 53,
lxxi, is from such a staff, and inscribed with unknown
signs. From the figure of a standing man at the
end, it appears that the signs are here upright.
FISH SPEAR
164. The trident, or fish spear of Neptune, as a
coin type occurs at Messana before 400 B.C., and
after that often in Greece and Italy, and is a common
type of the coinage of Hiero about 250 B.C. It was
probably introduced by the Greeks into Egypt,
being found at Defenneh, W 54, lxxii. Other forms
with barbs are found in Switzerland and North
Germany, 55-57.
FLESH-HOOK
165. The use of flesh-hooks for removing meat
from a boiling pot, was of the early iron age, or
before that, as we read of a flesh-hook of three
teeth being used, in 1 Sam. ii, 13, and there is one
here of bronze from the fonderia of Bologna. There
were various types of branching of the hooks. The
earliest, W 61 (lxxii), has the hooks all branching
from a middle stem. The bronze, 62, from Naples,
and the iron, 63, from Perugia, have a ring from
which the hooks start. Later the form is rougher,
of crossing strips rivetted, as 64 lxxii, 66 lxxiii.
The simplest three-toothed hook was combined
with the ladle for the broth, as 65 (lxxii) from
Alesia, and 69 (lxxiii) from Egypt ; probably 67
from Oxyrhynkhos is part of the same form. For
a similar one from Ehnasya see P.E. xxix. What
seems to be an ornamental two-pronged hook is
the gazelle head on a socket handle, with very long
twisted horns, 68.
SHOVEL
166. Shovels are found of the later bronze age
in Cyprus (d.c. 250) and of Roman age at Pompeii,
but they obviously were needed at an early date,
especially in temple services to remove ashes of
sacrifice ; this is recorded of the Jewish sacra, from
Exodus to Jeremiah. The Pompeian examples are
58
DOMESTIC
none of them large, 78 to 81, and are domestic rather
than for trade uses. One side-shovel like a crumb
scoop, 77 (lxxiii), comes from the Fayum ; it was for
the left hand, and may have been used to scrape
up grain or flour, to place in some vessel held with
the right hand. Two little tools, 75, 76, lxxiii, like
the modern smith's shovel, may have been shovels
for braziers ; 76 is now partly broken.
LADLE
167. Ladles seem curiously scarce, considering
how usual they must have been for cooking in all
countries. I have only met with four from Egypt,
and none elsewhere. The Egyptian ladles are all
of iron, and probably of Roman age. 69 is a ladle
and flesh-hook combined, so as to serve the broth
and the meat from the pot. 70 is a hingeing ladle,
made to pack up short ; I have a suspicion that it
may be a Bedawy coftee-roaster, as the bowl is
shallow. 73 and 74 are small ladles.
spoon : PL. LXXIV
168. The use of spoons begins with the second
prehistoric civilisation in Egypt. They continued
to be common down to the beginning of the dynastic
age. Then they entirely disappear, unless a bronze
spoon, 97, from Gurob may be of the xviiith dynasty.
In Roman times the spoon again became common.
The prehistoric spoons are mostly of ivory, as
84. 85, 87, 88, 89, 90 ; rarely they are found of
slate, 86, of wood, 91, of silver (P.Q 46), or of
slate with a handle of stone beads (P.Q. lxi). A
distinctive mark of this age is the small hole in the
end of the handle, for hanging up the spoon, and
often a flattening of the end, sometimes widened out
as in 88. The bowl is usually circular, the handle
joining it below the brim. Of later spoons, 92 is
from Rifeh of Roman age ; 93 is from Gurob,
probably Roman ; 94 is a flat disc, perhaps used
for dry food ; 95 is a bronze spoon ; 96 is an
unguent spoon, with an ear-pick at the end of the
handle. The flattish bronze spoon, 97, from Gurob
may be of the earlier age of that site, xviiith-xxth
dynasties ; it does not look like a Roman form. 98
is the usual Roman unguent spoon, from Oxy-
rhynkhos. 99 is the small Roman spoon, used for
shell-fish. The form of 100, from Rifeh, is very
unusual for late times, being more like some of the
fancy spoons of the second prehistoric age. 101 is
an unusual combination of large and small spoons.
102 is one of the largest size of Roman spoons. A
dinner tool of combined spoon and knife was made
of iron, 71 (lxxiii). 83 (lxxii) shows that the spoon
was well formed by the lake-dwellers in North
Italy. A lead spoon, 82, is probably Roman. A
long paper on the spoons of later ages is in Archaeo-
logia, liii, 107.
POUNDERS AND GRINDERS
169. The large bronze pestle, 103, lxxiv, from
Memphis, is probably of Roman age. Earlier
models of pestle and mortar, W 104, pi. lv, were in
the foundation deposits of Saptah, xixth dynasty.
The mortars are not commonly found until Roman
times ; the form then is conical, with a neat lug on
either side at the level of the brim.
Corn grinders in Egypt were slightly concave slabs,
on which a long stone was slid to and fro. Such
are represented in the models of women grinding
corn, dating from the ivth and vth dynasties.
Such a slab might be mounted on a stand, as shown
in the wooden model here, W 105, where a trough
at the end is provided to hold the meal when
ground. A usual place for this corn grinding was
beneath the staircase in the courtyard ; see the
house models of the ixth to xiith dynasties in Gizeh
and Rifeh, xviii, 118 ; xviii, B, 83 ; xix, 77 ; and
xxii. Model corn-grinders were placed in the
foundation deposits of Saptah, W 106, and full-
sized grinders deposited at Defenneh by Psamtek I
(P.T. xxii). In Roman times a different type came
into use, of which a stone model is here, W 107.
This is a slab of trachyte, with a funnel to hold the
corn, opening below in a long slit, to let the corn
work down between the upper and lower stones as
it became ground. A notch at each end served to
hold a cross bar by which it was slid to and fro.
There is a whole one at University College, but
these blocks were almost always broken in use,
and generally only quarters are found on the late
Roman sites in the Delta (see Tunis ii, Nebesheh
vii, 21). Rotary milling was not used in Egypt till
later times. The granite columns of temples have
been mostly cut up for heavy millstones ; and at
present the circular quern is the regular Bedawy
mode of corn grinding. Neither of these are yet
proved to be older than the late Roman period,
and probably are of Arab age.
FIRE DRILL
170. The mode of making fire is not represented
on monuments ; and strange to say, it is only from
DOMESTIC
59
Kahun in the xiith dynasty that we have the fire-
sticks, W 108, Iv, and drills (see P.I. vii, 24-26).
These fire-sticks are exactly like those used in some
lands at present, with a notch in the side of the
drill hole, for the heated wood powder to fall out
and catch alight. The drill stick was doubtless
worked by the bow. Both the fire drill and bow
drilling probably originated from the use of the
bow and arrow.
STRIGIL
171. The use of the strigil is essentially Greek,
adopted by the Roman. Those found in Egypt
are all due to the foreign influence. The iron
strigil, 109, lxxiv, is slightly curved ; the bronze
strigils, no, in, are bent at right angles. There
is one of iron from Egypt in the British Museum.
BENEDICTORY CROSS
172. The small iron crosses of Coptic age, 114 to
117, lxxiv, end in a rounded handle ; it seems
probable that they were used by priests to hold up
in benediction.
The group of bronze tools from Central Syria,
O 119, A 95, 170, 171, lxxiv, have been described
under axes. The iron object, 113, pointed at both
ends, with rings through the middle, is of unknown
use.
BOLT, LOCK AND KEY \ PL. LXXV
173. The wooden bolt was used to fasten doors
from very early times. It was of two forms, the
plain bolt, with a head to prevent it shooting too
far, W 124, which fitted in a holder, W 125, that
was fixed to the door post by a tenon. Another
form, 126, 127, slid in holders on the door, and had
a groove across the middle by which a string could
be put round it and sealed, so that it could not be
withdrawn, without breaking the seal. This form
is usual as a hieroglyph from the first dynasty
(P.R. i, xxix, 86) showing that the sealed bolt was
then familiar.
A peculiar form of opener, for thrusting back a
door bolt from the outside, is used in Abyssinia. 1 1
is evident that the rods 128 to 131, with a hole at
each end, were thus used as door openers. The
action is fully explained, with a series of diagrams
showing the positions of action, in Zeits. Aeg. Sprache,
1906, 60-65, where similar examples from the Berlin
and Leiden Museums are published.
174. There were various forms of lock in the
Roman period, depending on lifting up concealed
pins, which fell into the bolt, and prevented it being
moved; these precede the rotating key. The
simplest type is that in which a key lifts up the
pins or tumblers, so as to liberate the bolt, which
is then moved by the other hand. This is form
W 133 ; the key is here in place toward the right,
the tumblers or vertical pins have been lost, the
bolt is below toward the left. On lifting the key,
the studs on it would lift the tumblers in the vertical
grooves ; the tumblers being twice the breadth of
the key, and notched out to let the key pass them.
Below is a bolt for such a lock 135, and keys 136-
7-8-9, and 211, Ixxvi. This type of lock is still
used in North Ronaldsay, Orkney. For this, and
a general classification of types of lock, see Romilly
Allen in Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. 9 Feb. 1880.
175. The more advanced type of lock is that in
use still in Egypt, W132. The key lifts the
tumblers out of the bolt, by pins on the key which
rise into the bolt, thus the key engages the bolt
and can slide it without requiring a second hand.
Below is a bolt for such a lock, 134, and keys 140-
1-2, also made in bronze and iron, as 155 to 165,
193 to 202. This type is also used in Persia. It
would be capable of much refinement by having
varying thickness of bolt and lengths of peg on
the key ; thus too long a peg would engage the
block over the bolt, or too short a peg would not
lift the tumbler clear. All the Egyptian locks have
pegs of equal length, so that the hidden pattern of
the peg holes is therefore the only security, and
that could be easily copied from an impression.
Somewhat similar is the Juellinge key, W204,
lxxii, which lifts the tumblers so as to disengage the
sliding lid of a box.
176. Another, and perhaps the earliest, type of
lock, which has not yet been found in Egypt, is the
" Homeric lock " (Brit. Mus. Greek and Roman
Life, fig. 170). This has two tumblers, which are
lifted by putting a key like W203, lxxii, through
a vertical slot between them, and then turning it
round to engage them and lift them. This type is
usual in Roman and Saxon times, and still used in
Norway and China (P.S.A.S. n June, 1883).
177. The lifting lock is still commonly used for
garden gates, depending on the wards of the key
passing obstructions, and reaching the latch ; this
is apparently the type of the key, 166, lxxvi, and
it is the usual type at Pompeii.
6o
DOMESTIC
178. The next principle adopted was to rotate
the key with wards, as in a modern lock. This was
very usual in Roman times, as 167 to 192, lxxvi,
from Egypt, and 205 to 210, lxxii, from Pompeii.
As the pipe of the key was difficult to make, and
liable to get choked, a split pipe was sometimes
used instead, as 175. The peg key was also used,
189-191 (lxxvi), but in a very rudimentary form
without wards, like most Italian locks of modern
times.
The sources that are known of the keys are, 165,
170, 177-79, 181, 182, 185, Oxyrhynkhos; 180,
191, Balyzeh ; 189, Gurob ; 192, Qanadleh. The
large keys with wooden handles are from the
Fayum. The key 192 has a beautifully plaited
handle of red leather work.
PULLEY AND TOGGLE
179. Pulleys are rarely found of Roman age, the
few I have seen are of wood, as 143 (Roman?),
144 (Kahun), pi. lxxv.
Toggles were not unusual. In the first dynasty
they were made of green glazed faience (Abydos ii,
I ; viii, 141-3), and probably used to fasten dresses,
as is still usual on heavy cloaks. Many of Roman
age are made of wood, as 152, 153 Kahun, and 154
Wushym, and used perhaps, as now, for tent
buttons, or for attaching ropes in shipping. What
seem to be forms of toggle of a large diameter, are
the blocks, 149, 150 Kahun, and 151 ; they are
much worn, and are made askew, probably to
accommodate two loops passing over the stud
ends into the middle groove, and dragging against
each other. The wear on them shows that they
were sliding to and fro, perhaps on a ship's deck.
The pieces of wood 145 to 148 are of unknown pur-
pose, all of the xiith dynasty from Kahun.
COMPASSES : PLS. LXXII, LXXVII
180. There is no sign of compasses being used in
Egypt before Graeco-Roman influence. No com-
passes have been found, nor any trace of struck
circles, or of intersecting circular patterns. Nor
did such patterns take root in Egypt even in later
times. The case was quite different in Asia, where
the device of intersecting circles was used in Assyria,
and in Palestine became a favourite decoration.
The long top handle of 212, lxxii, is very un-
usual ; it has been revived in modern use, in order
to turn the compasses more readily. The Roman
form usually tightened the joint by a wedge through
the pin, as in 213 to 217. This must have always
worked loose by friction of the turning, not having
a washer under it ; hence it was probably kept
loose, and only pushed home to fix the compasses
to any set distance. The compass legs were always
made overlapping, so that any small circles could
not well be turned. This difficulty was avoided,
by widening the legs apart in 217, so that the points
could be brought opposite to each other. The
upper part preserved here is of bronze ; the legs
were of iron.
In order to get over the difficulty of the legs
being oblique when wide open, the plan of turning
the points at right angles is excellent, as in 218,
219 ; but such a type is only good for measuring
distances, and cannot well be used for drawing
circles.
The type of crossing legs, 220, 221, was adopted
in order to enable one hand to open or to close the
compasses equally readily, by pressing above or
below the crossing.
Proportional compasses are not uncommon ;
usually they are in the ratio of 1 to 2, as in that
here from Oxyrhynkhos, 224, lxxvi (Brit. Mus.
Greek and Roman Life, fig. 155). The pair drawn
here, 222, have the ends respectively 2 '3 and 3 3
inches from the middle. This is no simple ratio,
but is that of the Roman foot to the Greek cubit.
It would then enable a plan drawn in Greek cubits
to be read off on a Roman foot rule as a scale.
Calipers were well known ; the pair of " egg cali-
pers," 223, is of bronze, inlaid with silver vine
pattern along both legs.
CHAINS
181. The earliest piece of chain known is from
the tomb of Khosekhemui of the iind dynasty,
225 (li), with circular links of beaten copper wire.
An iron chain of Roman age, 226, has twisted links.
Large circular iron links were also made, as 227 ;
and long links, such as those on a wedge, 228.
CASTING : PL. LXXVII
182. The tools used by the Egyptians in casting
appear to have been very simple. Even where
great castings are figured in process, they seem to
have used only small crucibles, and many ducts in
which the metal was poured (see Rckhmara, R.M.C.
1). In this — as in all their handwork — the skill
was the real means of success, and the means would
be useless without that.
CASTING
61
The crucibles were roughly made, mostly of ash
in order to be infusible, and hence so weak that
large sizes could not be attempted. Those here,
245 to 248, have all been used for copper ; one
has a tubular spout, 246, the others have only a
rough lip. The crucible found at Serabit in Sinai,
had a large spout near the bottom, so that it was
tilted toward the back for melting, and then tilted
forward to pour out. As it was a larger size than
usual, this method of emptying was necessary in
order to avoid lifting so weak a vessel at a white
heat (P.S. fig. 161). Another form of melting-dish,
with two handles, appears on a bronze model (244)
in the foundation deposits of Tausert and Saptah
(P.S.T. xvi, xviii). Two melting-dishes or crucibles
of iron are in the Naples Museum, 241, 242, lxxii ;
whether intended for metals, resins or fats is un-
known. The double bellows worked by the feet
were used for the blast (Rekhmara, R.M.C. 1).
183. Open moulds were used in early times in
Egypt, the simple flat adzes of the prehistoric age
being thus cast. In the xiith dynasty open moulds
were cut in a thick piece of pottery, and lined with
a smooth coat of clay and ash. The example from
Kahun, 249, Ixxvii, was for casting chisels. Knives
were similarly cast, about i inch thick (250), and
then hammered down to the thin blades required.
184. The earliest objects which would require a
closed mould, and probably cire perdue casting, are
the double spouts of vases of the end of the iind
dynasty, found in the tomb of Khosekhemui (P.R.
ii, ix, 13). The scarcity of copper objects of the
Old or Middle Kingdoms, of a complicated form,
does not allow us to follow the history of the pro-
cess, but cire perdue was certainly used for the
jewellery of the xiith dynasty. When we reach the
xviiith dynasty we. find that cire perdue bronze
casting was in perfection. The skin of metal over
the core is often only a fiftieth of an inch thick.
The core is of blackened sand and ash, probably
mixed with some gum to bind it, which has been
charred by the heat. An absurd suggestion has been
made that the thin castings were done in chilled
moulds, and the liquid metal poured away from the
inside. As all these castings are still on the burnt
sand cores, like the hollow funeral axes of Britain,
it would be totally impossible for them to be pro-
duced by chilling. Some hollow pewter pendants
of Roman earrings, with a hole on each side and no
core, appear to have been made in a chilled mould.
See Catalogue of Ornaments and Toilet objects.
On many objects the tooling of the wax can be
distinctly seen. The solid cast Osiris, 256, shows
the slear of the finger on the back ; the other Osiris,
257, shows the wax modelling of the flail and crook.
On an ibis figure I have seen a long rolled pill of
wax put in as a link between the beak and breast,
intended to be cut away in finishing the work.
Many of the actual solid wax figures are found,
ready prepared for the caster. 251 is a vulture.
252 is a figure of Isis, 253 is a hippopotamus, 254
a falcon, 255 a vulture. These had probably been
set aside as damaged, to await retouching before
being used for casting. The legs of a bronze Osiris,
258, are from Amarna, and therefore of xviiith
dynasty ; the metal is here a fiftieth of an inch thick,
very regular around, with certainly not over a two-
hundredth of an inch of displacement of the core
to the exterior mould. 259 is a broken figure of
Osiris with very thin bronze over the core, papery
in parts. How such extremely thin castings could
be run, we cannot understand ; the mould must
have been heated, and the difficulty would be to
retain the core in place in a figure with bends, and
without any cross connections between the core and
the mould. We should expect the warping due to
heating, and the flotation of the light porous core
in the fluid metal, entirely to prevent such delicate
casting.
The mode of preparing figures in wax is shown
by the bronze casting, 261. The knees of the
kneeling figure were completely modelled, and then
a sheet of wax for the clothing was laid over them,
and tooled in a pattern. Thus the Egyptian
modelled like a modern artist, designing the bare
figure first, and then the drapery. 260 is a remark-
able piece of modelling, of a hollow bronze ring on
a base, probably a ring on a platform for a rope to
run through. The view is taken looking down one
side of the ring through the hole from the ring into
its base block ; the top shell of the ring is broken
away, and the back of the inner circle of the ring
shows.
262 is a bull's head from a railing. The hori-
zontal rails were of iron covered with a bronze
facing, the upright standards that held the rails were
of solid bronze, ending in a bull's head. A section
of the rail is placed before this.
263 is a bronze foot of an ibis, showing the con-
necting bars between the claws.
264 is a hand from a figure in bronze, probably
of the Magna Graecia school of Ptolemaic age. It
62
SOME HISTORICAL RESULTS
shows how poorly the core was worked, with thick
wax over the palm of the hand and solid wax fingers.
The Greek work did not approach the Egyptian in
technical skill.
185. 265 is a stone mould for a bracelet ; various
other stone moulds will be treated in a volume on
the moulds. 266 is one of a series of discs of
pottery, each bearing moulds for six minimi of
the latter part of the fourth century a.d. These
discs were placed together in a rouleau, and one
casting would make fifty or a hundred coins. The
moulds were strongly heated to make the metal
flow into the thin forms, and being overheated they
stuck together by fusion and were useless. 267 is
a similar clay mould for a Ptolemaic coin. It is
probable that all these moulds were used by forgers.
Another mould of iron, 243 (lxxii), looks as if it
were for a coin ; but it is not opened, nor any
explanation of it provided, in the Kircherian
Museum.
CHAPTER XIV
SOME HISTORICAL RESULTS
186. The distribution of types of tools may be
seen as a whole in the synopsis of the plates follow-
ing this, on four pages of lithograph. In the synopsis
the reference to the figures of each class is first
given, then the name of the class ; next the earliest
age to which it can be traced, and the latest appear-
ance of it ; if continuing to the present time a long
dash follows the earliest date. These dates are
mostly approximations, and the starting may be
really earlier. The Earlier Region stated, is the
country in which the class can be first localised ;
probably fuller information would trace the form
in some cases to a still earlier source, but at
present these countries named may be accepted as
an approximation. Where a dash is between two
names it implies that the form passed on from one
to the other ; where a comma or & is used, the
connection is less certain. The section and page
list will make this synopsis serve for reference from
the plates to the text.
The main matter to notice is the relation of
Egypt to the rest of the world. In this the isola-
tion of Egyptian types is extraordinary. The
forms which were the commonest in Egypt were
never adopted in other countries. We shall first
notice the forms peculiar to Egypt, in historical
order. Then, in geographical order, the forms of
other countries, which were not accepted in Egypt.
Lastly examples of the drift of forms, according to
the direction of movement.
FORMS PECULIAR TO EGYPT
187. From the second prehistoric age, s.d. 50, the
ivory crescent handle of the dagger appears (D 1),
and can be traced onward down to the xviiith
dynasty, the hollows within it being at last trans-
formed into perforations in the blade of a dagger
with a grasp handle (D23). Yet this form of
crescent, clutched into the palm of the hand to
receive an end thrust from the arm, was never copied
in other countries. All European handles are
cylindrical, to be grasped across the hand.
The square axe (A 6-9, 101-4), without any curve
or projection, is the regular type of the age of the
earliest kings, and has not been found in any other
country. There is some presumption, from its
appearance with the large splay adze, that it came
with that from Cyprus. It may have been made
there for the Egyptian demand, as it was not
accepted elsewhere.
The long narrow adze with parallel sides (Z 60-65)
and little, or no, splay at the edge, is also charac-
teristic of Egypt from 60 s.d. down to the 1st
dynasty. The nearest approach to it are the
Kythnos adzes (Z 19, 20), but these have more
widening of the edge.
The round-top adze with parallel sides (Z 32, 69)
began just before the first dynasty, and the straight
sides are unknown elsewhere. With a slight splay,
which arose later, it is similar to rare forms of Italy
(Z37) and Spain (Z38).
The earliest small chisel, with an edge at each
end of the bar (C 44-46), of the beginning of the
second prehistoric civilisation, is unknown else-
where.
The round axe was the favourite form in Egypt
at least as early as the iiird dynasty, and continued
to the xiith dynasty (A 55-70, 106-121). Not a
single axe of this form has been noted outside of
Egypt.
To the round axe succeeded the axe with lugs
(A 71-81, 122-133), by which to lash it to the
handle, from the xiith to the xxvith dynasty. This
type had thus a long history and was universal in
Egypt. None are known anywhere else in the
Old World. The same form was evolved in Central
America and Peru, owing to the same necessities of
FORMS PECULIAR TO EGYPT
63
hafting a hammered copper axe without a socket
hole.
The battleaxe was a lighter form of the same
(A 82-94, 134-152), equally general in Egypt, but
totally unknown elsewhere, except strangely a
copy of a late form found in Wiltshire (A 96) which
was probably imported like the Egyptian beads of
the xixth dynasty. The very elongated axe of the
xviiith dynasty (A 88-9) is also peculiar to Egypt.
The adze developed a necking and a rounded
head, beginning in the iiird dynasty and most
marked in the vith and xiith dynasties (Z 46-49).
This is quite unknown elsewhere.
A favourite weapon of the Egyptian in the xiith
dynasty was a stout stick with a long sharp edge
of copper inserted in it (A 178-180). It was doubt-
less used for attacking the head. No such weapon
has been met with in other lands.
The usual form of mortising chisel in Egypt was
wide and thin, with two equal curves sloping to the
edge (C 16-23), generally used from the iiird to the
xixth dynasties. It is never found elsewhere.
The typical decoration of dagger blades in Egypt,
about the xiith dynasty, was by fine parallel ribbing
along the axis, with the fines very slightly diverg-
ing (D 37, 38, 42, 43). In all other countries the
ribbing or grooving of daggers was parallel to the
edge, never parallel to the axis.
The pcle axe, a large wide blade figured in the
xixth and xxth dynasties (A 181-3), is unknown
elsewhere.
The semicircular halberd, A 187, seems also
peculiar to Egypt, in all the Old World.
The broad knife with round end and double edge
(U 24-31) is the most usual in the xviiith and xixth
dynasties, and is only Egyptian. A dagger of
similar form, D 108, no, may be derived from a
Cypriote type, D 140, which was traded to Tyre,
D139.
The cutting-out knife of the 1st dynasty is solely
Egyptian ; as also is its later development with a
notch, L 14-26, which is common in Egypt, but
has never been found in any other country.
The forked spear-butt (H 182-9, 202-6) of the
xxvith dynasty seems to be Egyptian by its decora-
tion, and it has not been found elsewhere.
As late as Roman times there are two inventions
peculiar to Egypt, both excellent, and yet never
used elsewhere, the shears with a detachable leg
(Q 13-16), and the sickle with a cutting edge of
steel inserted, which could be renewed (F 26-30).
This latter form may well have been derived from
the wooden sickle with inserted saws of flint.
It appears thus that eighteen different tools, or
forms of tools, which were usual in Egypt, were
all of them unknown in other lands. Even if there
were resemblances to one or two of them, that still
leaves the great mass of the usual tools of Egypt
standing apart from those of all other countries.
This is the case from the prehistoric age, down to
the Roman occupation. From the later instances
we know that this isolation of types accompanied a
considerable intercourse, and does not imply that
one country was ignorant of another. What it
does mean is that each country had its own inde-
pendent civilisation, had developed its own modes
of work, and had thus a barrier against the influence
of a rival land.
FORMS UNKNOWN IN EGYPT
188. Next we turn to the converse cases, of types
usual in various lands, but which are unknown in
Egypt. As we know the Egyptian forms fairly
completely from actual tools, models, and pictures,
and have a full view of how they were working, it
is improbable that any form was adopted by them
of which we know nothing. The countries may be
noted in the order of position, west and east, as
showing what countries did not lend to Egypt. In
Cyprus is the pillowy form of axes (A 1-5) and adzes
(Z 1, 2), which result from hammering native
copper. These are never found in Egypt, where the
metal seems to have been melted and cast flat.
From the identity of the Egyptian splay adze of the
1st dynasty with that of Cyprus, we may gather the
date of the latter, which was probably the source
of the Egyptian examples. This puts the full
growth of straight-fined forms to the 1st dynasty,
and therefore the pillow forms to an earlier age.
From Crete probably originated the double axe,
found in the early Minoan age (T 15). Thence it
spread far and wide ; but only one example is
known from Egypt, of iron (T41), and probably a
Greek or Roman importation. From Crete also
probably started the adze with lugs (Z 94-120), of
which there are thirty-five examples outside of
Egypt, but only two from Egypt, which are, very
likely, importations.
Italy developed the socket for a handle, in the
axe (0 1-14) and the adze (Z 136-142) ; yet no
socket was adopted by the Egyptian, and it only
appears on imported tools of Roman age. The
SOME HISTORICAL RESULTS
adze-axe (T 45-67) was a common tool in Italy and
Germany, but not one has appeared in Egypt. The
tang chisel (C 105-127) and the socket chisel (C 128-
160), were invented in the bronze age in-Italy, and
commonly used, but none were made by the Egyp-
tians, and they only appear in iron, and as imported
by Greeks at Naukratis, or by Assyrians at Thebes.
Thus the most useful inventions of Italy, which
seem to us essential, were entirely ignored in Egypt.
In North Europe the greatest inventions were
the hammered flange to stiffen axes, the growth of
flanges and of the stop ridge, and their finally lead-
ing to complete sockets. All of this was entirely
unknown to the Egyptian, except a slight flangeing
on a Syrian type of axe. Another northern form
was the pike (H 111-121), of which only one or two
Roman examples in iron occur in Egypt.
A western form of knife had a ring at the butt,
in order to hang it at the girdle (K 57-64) ; this
never appears in Egypt.
Of Eastern types there is the Oriental axe (O 132-
45), the Mesopotamian sloping axe or adze (O 131,
Z 144), and the Assyrian pickaxe (T 52), none of
which were adopted in Egypt.
Thus just as eighteen familiar forms in Egyptian
use were ignored elsewhere, so fourteen forms
current in other lands, west and east, were ignored
in Egypt. The evidence of the independence of
the ancient civilisations, and of their separate
growth would hardly be more strongly attested.
Had Egypt been the motherland of the use of
copper tools, as some writers have recently sup-
posed, it would be incredible that all the com-
monest forms of tools which would naturally be
prototypes, should have been ignored, and entirely
new forms started. It seems evident that Egypt
neither gave to, nor borrowed from, other lands,
but that each country developed its own civilisa-
tion.
FORMS WIDELY SPREAD
189. After seeing the many cases of separation
between Egypt and other countries, we may now
notice about an equal number of cases suggesting
connections between countries. These will be noted
in their historical order, and the direction of move-
ment which they suggest. In some cases a move-
ment may be only in one direction, as by migra-
tion ; in other cases it is more commonly reciprocal,
as by trade.
In the beginning of the 1st dynasty there is the
splayed adze of large size, suddenly appearing in
Egypt (Z 8), and identical with the Cyprus adze
(Z 7). As copper less' Egypt would not be sup-
posed to supply the land of copper with tools, and
the form and size were new features in Egypt, it
appears that Cyprus was then supplying the great
adze to Egypt. This, as we have mentioned, puts
the pillowy forms in Cyprus to an earlier date. As
the adze is a tool and not a weapon, it points to a
trade movement from Cyprus to Egypt at the
rise of the dynasties.
In the vth dynasty the scolloped axe appears in
Egypt ; and as in the xiith dynasty it is far more
advanced in the hands of Syrians (A 173) than of
Egyptians, it probably came from Syria (A 168-9),
very likely originating in Mesopotamia (see A 172).
This movement from the east into Egypt seems
connected with the invaders who used button
seals ; they were arriving in the vith dynasty, and
the designs of their seals are paralleled from Aleppo
and Bismiya in Mesopotamia.
In the xiith dynasty a movement is indicated
from Switzerland to Cyprus and Egypt. The close
resemblance of a Swiss sickle, F 12, to an Egyptian
drawing of the xiith dynasty, F 11, which is unlike
any other Egyptian form, does not stand alone.
A group of small daggers with notched tangs,
copied from a flint form, appear in Switzerland,
D 112-114, the Terremare, 115-117, and then in
Cyprus, 119. These two lines of movement of
about the same period, corroborate each other.
There is nothing impossible in trade of the copper
age reaching from Italy to Cyprus, as, long before
that, the Egyptians were importing emery and
obsidian from the Aegean. It suggests that the
drift from the east into Egypt which overthrew
the Old Kingdom, was repelled by a drift from the
west or north, which raised up the Middle King-
dom.
In the xviiith dynasty we know of great in-
fluence from Syria upon Egypt, which agrees with
the introduction of the toggle-pin known in the
Caspian region, N 14, to Egypt, N 15-17. Thence
it passed on to Mykenae. Another importation,
apparently from Mesopotamia, was the falchion or
khopesh, K 190-202. Rather before that, there is
a suggestion of intercourse along the southern
Mediterranean in the form of the spear head of
Kames, H 57, like those of Cuma H 46, Sardinia 47,
and Spain 48.
In the xixth dynasty there sets in a drift from
FORMS WIDELY SPREAD
65
the north-west. The pruning-hook of Noricum
P 20 is the nearest analogy to the Ramesside hook
P 17, and, probably later, the hook P 60 from
Nebesheh. The rhombic type of arrow head, R 124-
132, 196-203, is found spread in Epirus, Mykenae
and Bologna, and therefore probably belonging to
the Adriatic centre ; if so, the Egyptian examples
of the xixth or xxth dynasties are due to importa-
tion. Another instance of movement is the bronze
hoe from Cyprus (J 4, 5) imported into Egypt so
commonly. The thin type 33 being found of iron
in Noricum, like the copper forms 50, 51 in Egypt,
suggests the previous connection with Adriatic
imports. Rather later, about 800 B.C. the leaf
sword of Norican form, E 2, 3, is found in Egypt of
bronze, E 4, and of iron, K 248. All of these agree
with a trade with the Adriatic 1200 to 800 B.C.
The bronze swords of the Hallstatt type found in
Egypt are dated by E 7 of Sety II to 1200 B.C.
An important connection of types in the his-
torical aspect is that of the narrow straight knife
with the tip turned back, K 130-140, 231. This
is mainly Sicilian, and evidently native there;
while at the same time it is represented among
arms in Egypt, and one specimen is in the Cairo
Museum. This strongly shows the connection be-
tween Eastern Sicily and Egypt about 1200 B.C.,
just at the time that the Shakalsha are mentioned
as attacking Egypt. According to Hellenicos, the
Sikels were moving into Sicily about 1250 B.C.,
they might readily be in a migratory state at 1230
to 1200 B.C. when the Shakalsha are named, and
the type being found in Sicily and in Egypt is thus
explained. Next there is evidence of strong trade
lines from Sicily, by the remarkable drift of the
Sicilian razor (X43-7), already described, along
three different lines of descent, to Italy (X 59-63),
to Germany (X57-8), and to Britain (X 51-6).
This implies different trade routes to the three
countries, as none of the three forms could be de-
rived from either of the others. The route of the
Italian form is obvious; the German form pro-
bably went by the Adriatic trade ; and the Flemish
and British form by the Rhone route. The date
is probably between 1000 and 800 B.C.
The spread of the South Russian, or Asiatic,
triangular arrow in Egypt may be fairly connected
with the Scythian invasion of Syria, 600 B.C., and
attack on Egyptian power at the time. The impor-
tance of Scythia at that period is shown by the
extension of the type to Central Europe and Central
Asia, which accords with the prominence of Scythia
in the Herodotean view of the world.
On Central Europe two different influences were
continually working. From the East the oriental
axe and other types were passing into Hungary,
which land shows more affinity with Asiatic than
with Western design. From the south the me-
chanical genius of Italy was pressing into Germany,
most clearly shown by the flamboyant knife,
K 150-167, which appears with a tang in Germany,
162-64.
The Adriatic line of northern influence continued
after the examples of the xixth dynasty. The
Norican produce was still exported, as shown by
the peculiar knife and sword of Carniola, K 188,
E 29, 30, which appear at Pesaro and Ancona ;
K 185, 186, E 28. Down to Roman times the
swords of Noricum continued in repute.
Thus many lines of trade and connection are
indicated by the transfer of the forms of tools, in
accord with what is known from other sources,
while the remarkable resisting power of each
country against the introduction of some of the
commonest types, shows how strong and inde-
pendent were the separate civilisations.
INDEX
Abbreviations employed, 3
Adriatic trade, 65
Adze, distinguished from axe, 5
earlier than axe in Egypt, 5, 62, 63
hafting of, 18
varieties of, 16-18
with lugs, 17-18
for stone facing, 42
Adze-axe, 15
Adze-hammer, 15, 18
Aebutius, stele of, 42, 43
Agricultural tools, 54
Ambu, chisel of, 20
Amenemhot III, late knife, 23
razor, 49
Amenhetep II, adze of, 16
chisel, 20
knife, 23
scale armour, 38
Amenhetep III, axe of, 9
chisel, 20
American copper tools hammered, 6, 23, 24
harpoons, 37
Amulet axe, 11, 12
Anhur, priest of, 51
Animal-head handles, 23, 24
Antiochos IV, 36
Anvil, 40
Aoh-hetep daggers, 29
Aohmes I, chisel, 20
stamp, 57
Armour, scale, 38
Arrangement of plates, 2
Arrow-head, 33-36, 65
triple, 36
prehistoric, 36
ivory or bone, 36
flint, 36
Auger, 39
Authors referred to, 3
Axe, curved blade, 13
double, 13-15
hafting of, 7
heavy form beginning, 5
plain blade, 5, 62
round, 7, 62
scolloped, 9, 64
socketted, n
splayed, 7
with lugs, 8, 62
with square tang, 9
Axe-hammer, 41
Barking axe, 12
Bat for flax, 54
Baton with edge, 10, 63
Battle-axes, Egyptian, 9, 63
Bellows, 61
Bick irons, 40
Bill-hook, 47
Bits for cutting wood, 39
Bobbins, 53
Bodkin, 53
Bolt, 59
Borers for skins, 52
for stone vases, 45
Bow, prehistoric, 36
Egyptian, 36
compound, 36
Bow drill, 39
Bowls cut in stone, 46
Brace and bits, 38, 39
Brand, 56
Brick-dresser, 21
Brick-mould, 42
British development of spear, 31
importations, 9, 30
types formed independently, 22, 27, 31
Bronze axes, types of, 7
use of, 7
68
INDEX
Builders' tools, 41-43
Bullets for sling, 36
Butts of spears, 33
forked, 33, 63
Byblos temple weights, 14
Carpenter's hammer, 40
Casting arrowheads, 34
chilled, 61
duct on axes, 11
methods, 12, 60, 61
thin spear-heads, 31
Castings, earliest are flat, 6, 61
in closed moulds, 12
Caulking tool, 16, 20
Centre-bit, 39
Ceremonial adzes, 18
double axe, 13-15
harpoons, 37
scimetar, 32
spears, 31, 32
sticks, 36
swords, 32
Chains, 60
Childeric I, francisca, n
Chisel, bare metal, 19, 20
tang in handle, 20, 21, 64
handle in socket, 21, 22, 64
sharp at both ends, 19, 62
wooden, 41
Chopper, 47
Cire perdue casting, 61
Claw-hammer, 40
Claw-tool for dressing stone, 42
Clothing influencing weapon types, 31, 34, 35
Club, 54
Coin moulds, 62
Comb for weaving, 54
Comb-pick, 42
Compasses, 60
Cooper's hammer, 16, 41
Copper, hammered forms of, 6, 8
native, used, 6
use of hammered, 6, 16, 34
spear-heads, 31
Cores from stone drilling, 44, 45
Corn cut at ear, 46
grinders, 58
Cradle for large stones, 41
Cross for benediction, 59
Crowbar, 41
Crucibles, 61
Culter, 47
Curlers for wigs, 48, 49
Cutting-out tool, 51, 63
Dagger, Egyptian, 28, 29, 62
European, 30, 64
Den, fish-hook, 37
Divination by spears, 31, 32
Double axe, 13-15, 63
types local, 14
weights, 14
Drawing knife, 39
Dressing stones, 42
Drill for fire, 58
for hard stone, 44, 45
Drills, 39
Duck's head handle, 23, 24
Egypt, forms peculiar to, 62
forms unknown in, 63
Emery in saw cut, 45
Emsaht, axes of, 8
chisel, 20
Facing plate to test flatness, 42
Falx, Etruscan, 27
Feathers for wedges, 41
Ferrules, 8
Fifehead, Egyptian axe from, 9
File, 44
Fire-drill, 58
Fire-hook, 57
Fish design on axes, 8
on halberd, 11
Fish-hook, 37
Fish-spear, 32, 57
Flamboyant knife, 25, 27, 65
Flanged edges, 10, 64
Flaying knife, 22
Flesh-hook, 57
Flint sickles, 46
Float for plastering, 42
Flower design on axes, 8
Fonderia deposit of tools, 21
Fork for agriculture, 55
Forked arrow, 35
Francisca, 12
wrongly called, 15
INDEX
69
Frankish shield boss, 38
Gazelle-leg handle, 24, 25
Girdle-knife, 23, 64
Goldsmith's tools from Ireland, 20, 40
Gouge, 22
Gouging-adze, 18
Granite drilling and sawing, 44, 45
Grinders for corn, 58
Hair-curlers, 48, 49
Halberd, 10, 63
Hammer dressing, 46
stone, 40
with handle, 40
Handles, inlayed, 29
Harpoon, 37
Headsman's axe, 12
Hen-nekht, chisel, 20
Historical results, 62-65
forms peculiar to Egypt, 62
forms unknown in Egypt, 63
forms widely spread, 64
Hoe and pick, 55
compound, 54
metal, 18, 19, 65
narrow, 55
natural, 54
Roman, 54
Horse-bit, 55, 56
Hotshepsut, axe of, 9
razor, 49
Hungarian like Oriental types, 11
Independent invention, 8, 10, 10,. 10, 25, 23i 62-65
Inlayed handles, 29
Iron axes, 8
early knives, 25
halberd, xxth dynasty, 10
united with bronze, 10, 25, 26, 61
Kames spear-head, 32, 64
Kash, axe of, 6
Key, 59, 60
Khabbash, sling bullet, 36
Khofra, statue drill-cut, 45, 46
Khopesh, 26, 64
Khosekhemui, 20, 23, 37
Khufu, plumb bob of, 42
hammer-dressing, 46
sarcophagus drilled, 45
Knife, flaying, 22
straight back, 23
straight edge, 23
hollow back, 24
hollow edge, 24
recurved, 25
flamboyant, 25
crook-back, 25
Khopesh, 26
double convex, 26
double-edged, 26, 63
leaf-shaped, 26
for papyrus, 52
Kukri, 28
Ladle, 58
Lamp-trimmers, 48, 52
Lance, see Spear
Last for shoemakers, 40
Lath-hammer, 41
Leather-cutter, 50
Leather lashing for tools, 9
Level for masons, 42
Lewis, 42
Limits of the present work, 1
Lock, lifting, 59
turning, 60
Loom parts, 53
Lotus flower pattern of axe, 8
Lug adze, 17, 18
Maize-cutter, 50
Maket harpoon, 37
Mallet, 40
Manacles, 57
Mason's chisel, 20
pick and chopper, 23
hammer, 40
Mattock, 15
Mauls for dressing stone, 46
Meydum, saw, 43
Miner's pick, 16
Mitre square, 43
Mortar and pestle, 58
rake, 41
Mortising chisel, 20, 21, 21, 63
Moulds, open for flat casting, 6
for bricks, 42
Museums, material from, 1
Nails driven in temples, 32
7o
INDEX
Needle, 53
Nefermaot, 20
Neterhen, 20
Netting bones, 53
needle, 53
Northern soldiers in Egypt, 38
Nubian forms, 23, 25, 29, 33
Omens from spears, 31, 32
Oriental cast ornament, 12
flamboyant curves, 13
types in Hungary, n, 65
types not in Egypt, 64
Ornament, Western and Oriental, 12
Osier hook, 48
Pamoun, Apa, 48
Papyrus knife, 52
Pasar, razor of, 50
Pegs for ground loom, 54
Perabsen fish-hook, 37
Pestle, 58
Pickaxe, 15, 16
Pick-hoe, 55
Pike, 33, 64
Pillowy forms of adzes, 16
of beaten copper, 6, 63
older than flat, 6
Pin, 52
Pincers, 41
surgical, 52
Pintadera, 56
Pivot block, 46
Plane, 39, 40
for moulding, 40
Plasterer's moulding tool, 41
Plough derived from hoe, 54
Italian, 55
Plough-share, 55
Plumb bob, 42
Poleaxe, 10, 63
Polio, Apa, 48
Pruning hook for vines, 47, 48, 65
Ptolemaic coinage cast, 39
Ptolemy II, model tools, 41
Pulley, 60
Pump-drill, 39
Purpose of tools considered, 1
Quarryman's pick, 15
Quern, 58
Rake, 54, 55
Rameses II, hoe, 19
chisel, 20
sword, 27
spear, 32
arrowhead, 35
bill-hook, 47
Rameses III, halberd, 11
scale armour, 38
Ramesseum tools, 9, 19, 20, 25, 26, 41, 53
Rapier, 27, 30
Rasp, 38
Razor, 49, 50, 65
Record of tools very imperfect, 21
Reeds for tanged arrow-heads, 33
Reels, 53
Rekhmara tomb, 42, 43, 50, 61
Ribbing of daggers, 29, 30, 63
Rimer, 39
Rods of wood for stone-dressing, 42
Rollers, 41
S, letter, earliest, 6
Sabre, 28
Sacred weapons, 31, 32
Sa-neit, axe of, 6
Sa-ptah, adze of, 16
hoe of, 19
chisel, 20
knife, 27
falx, 27
mortar, 58
melting-dish, 61
Saw, 43, 44
in frame, 44
for hard stone, 44, 45
Scale armour, 38
Scimetar, sacred, 32
Scissors, 48
Scolloped axe, 9, 64
Scoop, 58
Scramasax, 27
Scraper, 38,
Scythe differs from sickle, 46
Scythian invasion, 34
Sekhenu, axe of, 8
Semerkhet, harpoons of, 37
tweezers of, 51
Sen-nehem, 42, 43
Senusert I, axe of, 9
Senusert III, dagger, 29
INDEX
71
Sety II, sword, 27, 65
Shakalsha and Siculi, 25, 65
Shardana sword, 27
Shears, 48, 63
Sheshenq I, scale armour, 38
Shield boss, 38
Shovel, 55, 57
Shuttle, 53
Sickle, 46, 47, 64
with inserted flints, 46
„ teeth, 47, 63
Siculi, knives of, 25, 65
Skew form of axe, 9
Sling, 36
bullet, 36
Socketted arrows, for wood shafts, 33
axe, 11-13
Socketting first in Syria, 9, n
not Egyptian, n, 63
tubular, 12
varies by use and climate, 11, 12
Spade, 55
Spear, copper, 31
cast, 31
British, 31
uses of forms, 31
ceremonial, 31
ribbed, 32
flat, 33
butt, 33
Specialising of tools, 2
Spindle whorls, 53
Spoon, 58
Spoon-bit, 39
Spur, 56
Squares for masons, 42, 43
Staff-head, 57
Standard weights in temples, 14
Stone-cutter's chisel, 20
Stone cutting by saw and drill, 44
dressing rods, 42
implements, ceremonial copies, 8
,, imitated by pillowy forms, 6
,, influenced by metal, 1
,, not included, 1
Straw preserved whole, 46
Strigil, 59
Surgeon's knife, 23
tweezers, 52
Sword, 27, 28, 65
sacred, 32
Syrian group of weapons, 9, 10, 12, 59
use of socketting, 9
T hieroglyph, 39
Tehutmes III, adze of, 16
axe of, 9
chisel of, 20
knife, 23, 26
Thimble, 53
Thorn extractors, 51
Thread balls, 53
Throw stick, 36
Toggle for dress, 60
for ropes, 60
Pin, 53, 64
Tongs, 41
Tools hitherto neglected, 1, 2
Trade routes, 50
Trident, 57
Trowel, 41
Tubular socket, 12, 15, 18, 55
Tweezers, 51
University College, 1
Vine pattern on halberd, n
Wax figures for casting, 61
Weapons seldom worn down, 30
Weavers' combs, 54
Weaving, 53
Wedges, 41
Weights of double axes, 14
Wig curlers, 49
Winnowing fans, 54
Wisconsin tools of copper, 6, 23, 24, 33
Wood, hardness of, determines socket, n
Wooden chisels, 41
Yoke, 54
Zer, harpoons of, 37
Printti by Hatell, Watson & Vinty, Ld., London and Aylesbury.
WORKS BY W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE
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REFERENCES
It need hardly be repeated that the whole of the photographed objects are
in the Collection of University College, London.
So far as they have been published before, the following are the references :
IV
xvi
xvn
XX
XXII
XXIX
XXXI
122
P.I. vii, 19
xlii
R181
P.K. xvii, 38
125
P.K. xvii, 28
184
» » 37
129, 130
P.L. xxii, 12
226-7
P.F. xxxix
'33
Quibell, Ramesseum, ii, 7
248-56
P.F. xxxvii
62
P.Q. lxv, 5
V 109-128
P.Mp. II, xvi, 5-32
73
P.T. I, p. 26
xliv
36-7
P.R. II, ixA
74
P.R. II, ixA
46
P.Q. lxi, 15
76
P.Mp. Ill, xxxvii, 40
62
P.K. xvii, 11
83
P.K. xvii, 5
137
P.I. viii, 16
84
P.I. vii, 18
xlvi
60
P.Ds. xxxiv, 14
85
P.I. xix, 28
7i
» » 16
87
P.Q. lxxix
xlviii
M 1
P.Hw, xiii, 1
90
P.S.T. xviii, 5 5
8
P.I. vii, 22, 23
9i
P.K. xvii, 26
B64
P.Md. xxix, 13
93
P.L. xxii, 12
72
P.I. viii, 13
39
Engelbach, Riqqek ix, 6
77
P.I. viii, 10
41, 42
P.L. xxii, 12
81
P.I. viii, 11
47, 48
P.S.T. xvi, 28, 29
S2
P.Md. xxix, 12
47-50
P.R. II, ixA
xlix
30, 31
P.Ds. xxxiv, 15-18
Si
P.G. viE, 150
li
D179
P.T. I, i, 1
63-4
P.S.T. xviii, 50
Ml5
P.Hw, xiii, 13
69
P.R. II, be A
lv
W 104
P.S.T. xvii, 15
73
P.K. xvii, 22
106
,, 13
74-5
P.S.T. xviii, 51
108
P.I. vii, 26
79
P.K. xvii, 3
F7
P.K. ix, 22
81
P.Mp. I, p. 13
27
Petrie, Ehnasya xxix
83
P.K. xvii, 25
lix
30
„ Heliopolis xxxvii
235
Petrie, Koptos, xv, 73
lxi
3
P.I. viii, 5
236
P.S.T. iii, 10
7
P.I. xix, 33
237
P.S.T. xvi, 34
lxiv
29
P.G. xF
246-253
Quibell, Ramesseum, p. 13
30
P.L viii, 6
K4
P.T. I, vi, 1
lxv
108
P.Q. lxv, 19
U48
P.K. xvii, 33
lxviii
63
P.I. vii, 29
So
P.S.T. xviii, 46
lxix
74
see P.K. ix, 14
61-2
P.K. xvii, 49, 51
lxxi
49
P.L xix, 34
40
165
Engelbach, Riqqeh ix, 1
P.T. I, i, 12
lxxiv
A 71 \
U 72-3/
P.I. xiii, 22-28
167
P.H. XXXV B
W97
P.I. xix, 29
168
Engelbach, Riqqeh ix, 7
lxxvii
244
P.S.T. xviii, 43
169
1, >, 8
250
P.K. xvii, 1
172
12
lxxviii
top
P.S.T. xxi
178
» i» 3
I
SYSTEM OF TYPES, WITH REFERENCES TO PLATES AND PAGES.
FigureNumber Class
A. Plaim Blade Axe.
i 04
6-9, I0»
\o — 3o
3i— 5"4
5"S"-7o,lo5"-|2.(
II -SI, 112-133
Pll_l_oWY FOP.M
5 (SQUARE
Widening edge
» tt
ROUN D
Lo OS
Si — 100,134— is~2 Battue axes
155-177 SCOULOPED
IS-3-/S"*, I78-I90 PoLEAXE, BATON.HAlBERO
Q.SOCKETTED AXE
l-U PLAIN SOCKET
15-6S Expanding Blade
65-55 Round Box Socket
59-115" Deep socket
118-131 tubular. socket
131-145 OMENTAL
T.DDU6LE AXE
Period
Before Dvn. O
Dyn. 0/ I
Co PPER AGE
B KO NZ.E AGE
DYN. I-Xll
" XU-XXVI
XU-XlX
" V-XVIII
LATE COPPER,— IRON
600 B-C' —
Ro«ftN
Rowan
Sumerian-late Bronze
Bronze
1-15", 35", 3 ?, 4-o
Curved EDGES
E.MinoanH-L.M.
4-13, 4-1
STRAIGHT •'
L- Mi moan — Roman
11,14-^7
Long
Bronze
2.9,31
Waisteb no hole
>>
2.7,33
Long "
n
3o. 32.
BE LL-SHAPED '■
it
4 5"- 51
ADZE-AXE
COPPE R, EARLY BRONZE
5-3 -66
>i
1 RON
rat, 68-70
Pi ck- axe
1 ROM
71-2-
STONE Pick
Ro MAN
73-77
ADZE- OB. PICK-HAMMER RoN\AN
78-5 2.
MINE RS P ICK
Roman
Z. A DZE
1-3, 60-6 5", 65
SRUARE-TOP ADZE
PREHISTORIC— XX. VI
A -19, 66,67
" SPLAYED
1 -XV III
3o-59 , 69-90
ROUND-TOP
l-XII
92.- 1 12.
SIDE LUGS
IQOO -4-00 B.C.
)X5-l4-0
HAFTI NJG
14-1 -I ST*
SOCK ETTED
J. HOE i-s-9
1300 -4-00 I3C
C. CHISEL.
1-&9
BARE METAL
COPPER— IRON ACE
11-13, 69-71
DEEP DOUBLE CURVED
O-XVIII
90-1x7
TANC.
900 B.C.
12.8-lbl
Socket-
9 00 BC. "
1 61-174-
go uge
800 B.C.
K. KNIFE
1—15" FLAY I M G
I6-ST> STRAIGHT-BACK
57-75", ZI6-ZZ6 STRAIGHT-EDGE
77-99 Hollow-back
loo -111, 2. 14-2.34- MOLLOW-EDGE
IIZ-U9 RECURVED
13o — 14-0 ,, TIP
jjH - I by ,. FLAMBOYANT
IfcS— 136 crook-back
I90--2.OT. KHOPESH
U. SYMMETRIC KNIFE
1-13 SINGLE-EDGE
I4--69 DOUBLE- EDGE
E.5W0r\D<a- RAPIER
2.-4 LEAF BLADE
5-IO Long LEAF Blade
11,13 TAPERING RAPIER
14— Zl S.INCLE-EDGE 5WORD
It - 17 FLAMBOYANT
IS - 31 BENT
3Z-39 SABRE
PRE HIST. E&YPT-400BG
xii -xv iii iron age
600 b.c. —Roman
VI — ROMA N
iioo b-c. — Roman
I 0.OO — 4> 00 jj .c.
|ioo-|»oo B.c
900 -3oo B.C.
goo »-£• — —
I boo — S 00 B.C.
J5~00 -TOO B.C.
O — X IX
15"00-IOOO B-C.
I5"00— 5"00 B.C.
I5"00 — IOOO B.C.
100 B_C . — MODERN
11. OO — 5TJ O B.C .
S~0 0 B.C.
JTOO — I O o B .C .
Earlie r Region
PLATES 1 -vii
Cyprus.
C y p rus?-Ecy PT
Europe* Persia
MeditB^West. rareE.
Egypt only.
" America
SYRIA -EGYPT
Egy P T
ITALY V,"-Xl
i ta ly * n o r.i cu m
North e rn
ft
Babylonia — E. Europe
PERSIA —HUNGARY
XII
Crete ij-greece
&reece9mtaly
SARDI N I a
Elbe basin
rhine basin
fra nce .swiss
Serbia — Greece XIV
Italy
Assyria , Germany.
1 taly
SPAl N
ITALY
XV- XVI 1 1
EGY PT, ITALY
CYPRUS, EGYPT, GREECE
EGY PT - SPAl N
CRETE- I RE LAND"*- PERSIA
PERSIA, ITALY /XU-XXV.
CYPRUS-E&YPT, NORIC, ITALY,
xxj-xxm
Egypt, Persia Italy
EGYPT oish_y
ITALY
Italy
WEST ERN
XXIV-XXIX
EGYPT— GREECE -I TALY
EGYPT, ITALY ** WEST
WESTERN
EGYPT, CRETE, ITALY
GREEt E
ITALVH-NORTHERN
SICl LY-EGYPT
ITALY SOCKET. TANG NORTH**
ITALY — NORTH
MESOPOTAMIA — EGYPT
Sect Page
6
6
8
6
9
6
10
7
II
1
12
8
13
9
14
9
16-18
10
19-20
11
11
11
13
12
14
12.
15
12
16
13
17 13
29 13
34 15"
35 15
CRETE
EGY PT
xxx-xxxi
GREECE
RARE IN MEDIT tS
XXXII
N.ITALY-NOMCUM**- EGYPT
CENTRAL EUROPE
N ORTH ERN
36
16
37
16
38
16
40
17
4*
IS
43
lo-
.44-5
18
44-9
19
4-7
20
5T>-1
11
5-3-5
21
5"6
22
SS
11
5"?
13
60
23
61
2-4
62
24
63
25
64
25
65"
26
66
26
67
26
68 27
Mori cu m
italy-mebiterranS 69
2&
SYSTEM OF TYPES, WITH REFERENCES TO PLATES AND PAGES.
^
P. DAGGER
1-14 , 3A-4&
|5"-3o, ^9 -60
%9~2>S
6l -95-
\o& -Jlo, 135, 1^0
111 -ni
13s -147
)S2--IS7
I75--I7S
xxxiii-xxxvi
CRESCENT HANDLE
TAM G HANDLE
INLAID HAN DUE
RlVETTED HANDLE
) 1
LAKOE FUNDED
NOTCHED TANG
HIGH SHOULDER.
SELF HANDLED
LON6»5TR,AIOHT
M.SPEAR-HEAD
1-15 WIDE, ROUf. jED
lfc-23 '• ANGULAR
4b SX FULL-EbA&E BLADE
69-85" CONCAVE EDGE
JO-JS SCALLOPED EDGE
ioa-\z 1 Pike
114- I 56 FIN BLADES
I 37 -(64 FLAT BUADi.
190- 206 B u TT
R. ARROW-HEAD
1-13
2-4-5-2.
5-4-8.4
S5--go
91-115-
I14--I31
133 -I5T)
in -2. , 193-4
15-6 -s
l6r-o
1/1 1 - 170
15-5-9,2.64,2.73-4
VA ,-,3
14
I5--13
14-^8
FL AT ,BLADE
MB BED BLADE*
TRIANGULAR
B A RB E D
" SfTAN&ED
RHOM Bl C
5PU RRED
BKoAD LANCES
Son D S^OA R.E
SPLAYED
LONC. WOODEN
Bows
THKOWSTltKS
S Ll ->4G
BU LLETS
HAf\POoNS
59, 6t,6478S5;88-97 FISH-HOOKS, ROUNDED
6o,ti,4i, ty-70 >i SQUARE
7'-7.8 1-4
103- 133
I34.-S-
136-7
M.AKT1SAN TOOLS
1-3 BRACE
4-5" NrtP DRILL
6-'t> BOW D RJ LL
•7 . 1 8 RYMER
19-2-7 BIT
2^-31 AU&ER
32--3S DRAWING KNIFE
30-41 PLANE
42--53 ANVIL
5"3~7I MALLET SELr-HAKIDLE
7*- — 85" ,, socket-handle
86-99,136 HAMMER. SMITH'S
loo 107 >/ mason's
108— 111 ■> Carpenter's
111-131 Toki&s smith's
I31-J35- " LlTTIMC.
H LlMEMCK
scale armour,
Rasp
5CRA PER,
SHELL
PREHIST-XVMI
XVII — XIX DVN,
I lOO —SOO B.C.
COPPER. ACE
G> IK o tvi 2. E
copper. age
copper, age
eap.lv 6k.onze
) loo — 800 13 _c.
400 B.C. — /LOO A-D.
BRONZE AGE
B KO N ZE
£> R.O tsj St E
B R O M XE
1 PsO N
I R.O IN
B R.O N Z E
BRONZE «=tt-l RON
& B.ON ZE
COPPER — I l\oN
IIOO B.C.- — I40 0 A. D.
1 OQO~- 3 OO B.C.
J500 & C.
IOOO B.C. — 5-00 AD.
I ioo-<2oo B:C.
& R.O SIZE
I RON
I Ro N
I R.O N'
EGYPT only
EGYPT
ORIENTAL? — EGYPT
RHOMB N.ITALY
Hollow E»ces S.MEDiTN
C. HANDLE PLATE,N.W.REt|ON
ASIATIC — EGYPT
rsj. ITALY
CYR.R.US-SYR.IA, CRETE, ITALY
5 I C I LY
M o RTH E R N
XXXVI l-XL
S.ANdW. EUROPE
6 E R. M A N Y
WEST MED1TERRAN*
N. ITALY
(NORTH E R*N
N 0 RTHERN ^CE LTI C
EGYPT <y-BRITAI M
SOUTH MEDITERRAN^
XLI-XLII
ASIATIC
5CYTHIA EASTtf-WEST
&R.EECE*y-CAOCASUS.
GREECE 91- EGYPT
ASIA* N.EUROPE
SARMATIAIN
ROMAM
ASIATIC
ECT.
PACE
10
2.8
72-
2-9
73
2-9
74
SO
30
76
30
7*
31
80
31
80
31
81
32.
81
32.
81
32-
81
32.
83
33
84
33
as
33
81
34
88
34
89
34
9°
35"
90
3F
9«
3r
91-
35-
PREHIJT.-XM
E &VPT
93
36
/>
EGYPT
?*
36
1 — XVIII
E&YPT*SVRIA XLIIi-XLIV
9*"
36
Soo B.C.
EGYPT
96
36
J.OO B.C.
SYRIA
EARL"/ PR.EHI5-roR.IC
EGY PT
97
37
1 DY M
EGYPT later EUROPE
0,8
37
II -XII
It
XVIII —XIX
1 1
xvin — xxv 1
,, Oriental,?^
99
38
XVIII
/ 1
100
38
XII
* *
XLV-
XLVI
IfLi AD'
1TALY
101
38
Ro /v\ A M
EGYPT
101
39
I DY^J
EGYP T
I03
*9
900 n .c
ITALY
104
S9
6 80 B.C.
ITALY
loS*
3?
600 B.C.
GREECE
I06
39
5"0 AD-
)TA l_Y
lo7
39
5"0 A.D.
ITALY
108
39
BR.ONZ E AGE
west eu *-° P£
I09
40
1 -XIX
EGYPT
1 IO
40
XXVI
EUROPL to EGYPT
1 OOO B.C. —
ITALY
III
40
1 OO BC.
1 00 B. C.
GREECE
LOO R. C. ■
ITALY
ML
41
XVII 1
e&vpt
SYSTEM OF TYPES, WITH REFERENCES TO PLATES AND PAGES.
B-BUILDERS'TOOLS
1-6,9
TWWEL
TO A.D.
7-8
MOULDING TOOL
1 OO AD.
10,11
MORTAR RAKE
loo B.C.
12.-2-7
WEDGES, SPLI TT 1 N G
8oo b.c.
3o-36
WOODEN CHlStLS
V DYN
37
CITABLE FOR BLOCKS
xvm —
38-9
Wooden rollers
XII —
40-41
CHOW BAR
XIX? R.OMANI
4-3
LEWIS
S~0 A.D.
44 -fro
OFFSET PECS
XII —
51, 5-2.
CLAW TOOL
S-oo B.C.
53, 5*4
PLASTERERS FLOAT
XII —
5T, 5"6
BM CK- MOD LD
(jfREHIST.) XII
5T7-93
PLUMB QOB4-LINC
III
60-6t, 94
S Qj-> are;
XVIII
61, 63
MITRE SQ.UAR.E
xvm —
S. SAW H4TFNOKI TEETH
1 DYN
15", 19,2.S~,2.8
RAKED TEETH
90O B.C.
3b -45"
FRAME SAW
5~0 A.D.
FILE 46
ROUGH COT
68O B.C. —
47- 4S, ro
DEEP CU T
600 B- C.
49
R.AS P
6SO B.C,
MAULS 74--86
MAULS
Ml DYN.
F.SICKLE
1- M
WOOD AND FLINT
PREHlSTOMt
11-16
B RONTZ.E
I2.00 B.C.
17-37
IRON
4-00 BC.
P. PRUNING HOOK
XLVH-XLIX
DETACHED
M ETA L
sci sso rs
snuffers
l-io For. v ines
2.1-61 FOR BUSHES
62.-67 FOR OSIERS
Q..5HEAR5 1-11,17-30
13-16 WITH DETACHED
31-34 FOR
35"- 3 8
39
X>. RAZORS [-20 HAIR CURLERS
2.1-37. SIDE EDGE
33-38 Flint rouM
39-42- TONGUE BLADE
43-5D NOTCH BLADE
St -5"6 SPLIT BLADE
5-7,5-8 crescent blade
£-9 -63 Ssiuare Blade
64-73 END EDGE
74~94 ROTARY
L.LEATHER CUTTERS 1-4
5"- 12- LONC HANDLE
I3.I3A.2.9, l8» CUTTER OUT
30-.4-4 "« NOTCHED
4.S--4-7 „ SPLAY END
Y. TWEEZERS 1-11,14-10,11-43-5-4-5-3
90©
800
I 00
Joo
I 00
B.C. •
B.C.
A.D.
B.C.
AD.
RO WAN
S"0 .A.D. -
2.00 a.c. -
VI— xix
1 -XII
400 B.C.
B.C.
B.C.
B.C.
B.C.
B.C.
11,13 •
a-i, 4.6-53.
N- l-4,33-J^
5-- 14, 1 02.-9
15-17
18-31, 66-97
5-S,>~7
17, 98-100,130-1
IIO
HI- II7
55--T7, 118-111
|13 -ur
us -it-9
J J 8-?
/ 40
I4I-1
143-7
11 fc-7
137
133-135"
IJ1 . 136
148-IS-4
6o-64
Skew
in thorn extractor
BORE R
PIN, LOOP HEAD
TOGGLE PIN
NEED LE
PAPYRUS NEEDLE
NETTING NEEDLE
THIMBLE
REEL
BOD K I N
BO e. & 1 M
NETTING BoNES
SPIN D LE , DOMED WMt
dr.um whor. i_
Domed wood "
bead ed whorl
&H OTTLE
WARP BEAM
SPACER
BEATER
CO M &
GROUND LOOM PEGS
IIOO
I0OO
8OO
Soo
Soo
XII
xvm —
XVIII —
4-OP B.C.
I DYN.
XM-XIX
X»X
I DYN
Roman
600 B.C.
I DYN.
PREHISTORIC ONLY
XVIII —
PR EH 1ST
XVIII
XVIII "!
XVIII
PRE HISTORIC
XII
XVIH
R O AAAM
CO PTIC
Roman
ITALY
ITA LY
EGYPT
EGYPT
/»
»'
it
ITALY
EGYPT
GREECE
EGYPT
/'
L-LIII
N.ITALY
ITALY
assy ria (jh egypt)
hallstatt, rom.an
ASSYRIA("N ECfPT)
EGYPT
LIV-LV
Egypt
GREECE
SWISS, NORICUM
LVI-LVM
south e p.n
Northern
BRITAI N
ITA LY
EGYPT
PnH I N E
ITALY 1
EGYPT
EGY PT
EGYPT -CRETE -ITALY
SWISS
crete— ita ly
Sicily — Germany
Si Ci LY— BRITA 1 N
S I C I LY — GE RMANY
I T A LY •
EGY PT
E & Y P Tr C A RT H AC E , I TA LY,S WISS
EGYPT LXII-LXIU
SWISS, ITALY, GERMANY
EGYPT
it
11
tt LXlV
ITALY
HALLSTATT —EGYPT
EGYPT, PERSIA, SWISS
EGYPT
EGYPT, MYKENAE, PERSIA
EGYPT
EGY PT
113 41
M4 41
1 1 s" 41
116
41
i'7
42.
118
119
42-
I2-0
111
1 13
12.4
43
43
44
4-4
119 46
1 30
131
I 31
133
LX-LXI
136
137
139
140
)4I
11
t>
> 1
11
46
46
47
47
LVIII-LIX 134 A&
135- 48
43
49
138 49
so
So
5-1
141
143
ri
S3.
144
146
5"i
si
147
145
148
53
Si
Si
LXV| 14* 5-3
149 Si
I sx> 5*3
SYSTEM OF TYPES, WITH REFERENCES TO PLATES AND PAGES.
G- AGRICULTURE
5" 9, 68-9 „
65
65"- 67
7«-,75
7'
72-
73 w 2.4.0
), 2.. 4., 8
3
LXVfl-LXlX
7.11. 12-
13-15-
17-19
2.2
2-4
2.0
32.-3S
43-^6
51 -5%
W. HORSE-BIT
76
HOE FORKED BRAMCH
/, JOINTED WOOD
" PLOUGH HOE
WINNOWING FAN
R.AK E , W 00D
YOKE FOR OXEN
CARRYING YOKE
CLUBIf & AX
wide hoe
hoe with pick
Pointed lesser hoe
ox- tongue crubblnghoe
PICK- HOE
POINTED S PADE
S CLOARE S PADE
ONE-SIDED SPADE
plo ugh-share
Pitch - f o kk
iron rake
2., 4- SNAFFLE
2>,S " WITH LAR&E MNGS
6-13 SIDE BARS
IT-IS CO RQ , STRAIGHT
19-2.I " CUR.VED
40 " TOOTHED BAR
2.Z-2-9 OPEN-WORK SIDE PLATES
30-32. CURVED BARS
33-39 CURVED CURB
41 H EAVY JANGLE
57 SPUR PLAIN PRICK
43-447-9. BRAND OPEN, BRANDING
42.. 45-6 "
COLOUR STAMP
5T-|,H8-IZ.)
Fl RE-H00K , HAN D
52.
MAN A CLES
53
STAFF HEAD
5-4-S-7
FISH-S PEAR
6I-6S
FLESH-HOO K
7S -81
SHOVE L
69-74-
LADLE
82.-102.
S POO N
103-4
PESTLE
105-6
SADD LE Q.UE RN
107
FUNNEL QLUERN
)0S
Fl RE D RILL
109-1 » 1
5TRIG IL.
114-117
BENEDICTORY CROSS
Bolts and locv\s
114-5-
WOOD BOLT
12.6-7 i<
SEALING BOLT
135
LOOSE-BOLT LOCK
131 ;/
KEYED-BOLT LOCK
166
Lifting lock
I67-I52.
Rotating KEY
143.-4
PULLEY
15-2- IS4
TOGGLE
2.I2.-2.X4
COM PASSES
2.25-2.2.8
CHA 1 N
CASTI MG
Z.4I-2-4S
CRUCIBLES, POTS
2.^9, 2.65-2.67
MOULDS
2.51-155
WAX MO D ELS
2.5-6-2.64-
CASTINGS FROM WAX,
Pp. e historic —
t DYN.—
II I DYN.
V —
XII —
III —
XII —
RO MAN
Roman
RO M AN
G REEK
ROMAN
Ro MAN
RO MAN
N O RM AN
3 P.O NX E- AGE
V DYN —
ROMAN
BRONZE AGE
I RON AGE
IOOO B.C.
BRON Z.E
I RO N AGE
BRONZE
GREEK
GREEK
XVIll -XXIII
— XX. VI
G REEK
GREEK
900 b.c. — Roman
RO MAN
ROMAN
PREHISTORIC , ROMAN
XIX- ROMAN
IV
ROMAN
XM.
GREEK
COPTIC
PREHISTORIC -XH
] DYN — R.OMAN
ROMA N
11
11
11
XII , ROMAN
I DYN — ROMAN
ROMAN
II DYN —ROMAN
xvi 11 - Roma n
X »l - RO MAN
II - RO MAN
|l — ROMAN
Egypt
151 54
152 54
ITALY »53 54
GERMANY
GE R MANY, SPAIN, HUNGARY
GREECE
ITALY, BRITAIN
ITALY 154 FS
ITALY
1 TALY
155
55
EGYPT, ITALY
156
55
ITALY
LXX-LXXl
ITALY, SARMATIA
IS-7
55
GERMANY, CELTIC
N ORTHERN
SOUTHERN
I5S
5-6
MYKENAE , EGY PT
ETRUR1A
SOUTHERN
CENTRAL EUROPE, ASIA
EGYPT ETC.
if
159
56
/»
160
56
fi
161
57
162.
57
163
5"7
EGYPT, GERMANY
I64.
5-7
ITA LY, EGY PT
LXXII
IbS
5-7
ITALY
166
*"7
EGYPT
LXXI1I
167
53
M
LXXlV
165
ss
I J
UK)
S2
» t
» r
no
5fl
GREECE
'7'
5-9
EGY PT
171
5-9
LXXV-LXXVI
n
173
57
fl
f>
174
57
> 1
175
57
}>
•77
57
II
178
60
II
>l
17*
60
ITALY
180
60
E.GYPT
LI
LXXVII
is;
60
it
1S2.
60
n
133
61
,,
154
61
1:4
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE; STRAIGHT AND SPLAYED.
•n i \
CA&LIAM
IP l»9« XVII
MVKENAr
6*AVf. A.C.
irn.s.i. ia
M.A VII, «.»»
1:4
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE; ROUND AND BATTLE AXE.
87 68 59
EGYPT VI D. MODELS
P.O. VII D
II.
EGYPT HI J) EGYPT HID
CM. XXIII ft H. '/to
egypt v j>.
P. B I . IV *Ao
65
66
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r.D.xxxu LO- " *<
J1 62SEEUXIM EpG/YP>Tx,VI D
EGYPT XII B.
L.D. ii IZ&
EGYPT III D
O.M.XVI
EGYPT VI O.
L.D. I] lot Vio
71 SEE LXXIV
IR.ON EGYPT
&.M. A. till S6
Sou. ncL
CSV PT VI D
D.G XV '/zo
86
&=^
COMB MAKER
!»> +
81
EGYPT XVIII D. ECYP'r *v"
AO H- HETE P. P' D' XXXII
EGYPT XV 1 1 1 D
G.W. 18
EGY P T
B.M. A Llll.90
EGYPT XXVI D
IRON.P.T XXXVIII
COPPIK RUMANIA
1-E.l>ll.sr»6.
1 :1.
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE; STRAIGHT AND ROUND.
III.
107
110
113
1 :2.
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE; ROUND AND WITH LUGS.
IV.
1 :2.
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE: WITH LUGS, BATTLE AXES.
'
130
133
139
1:4
A. SCOLLOPED AXE, POLE AXE, AND HALBERD.
VI.
160
tGYPT V D
» D» XIII Ao
161
IOVPT XII D
l D ii IX* As
162
EGYPT XII D
U.O. II. 141
163
164
165
168
EGYPT XII D
N.6 XVI.XL.VII 1^
EGYPT
8MS11D4
178
EOYPT XI O.
P. & XIII
CAKANSA N.S
600?AP.AN.H)ol>«7
EGYPT.
».Ml A.LIII.86
EGYPT, XX D.
L.D.Ii!.iO?.'Ao
E&YfTXlXD. EGYPT XIXB.
K.ft.ft.lXXIX'/ro L.D'lii.^t.'/uj
WISCONSIN
WISCONSIN
corrm a. A.
F.R
EGYPT XX 0
■ ROM P.AXXII
no
HI
>
148
150
151
-■-'-' ' ' **
WJ 132
154
153
139
156
157
158
A. PLAIN BLADE AXE; HALBERD, 1:3;, STONE AXE, 1:2.
VIII.
X*
W
REVERSE O 116 AND 54.
1:4
O. SOCKETTED AXE; SIMPLE AND WIDE BLADES.
Joo-iooo A.B. B.M
1:4
O. SOCKETTED AXE; DEEPENED AND ROUND SOCKETS.
46 '"■•' /■>, 47
VLADIMIR A.S. 3.0,5-
EXTREME. (Wftsu in M.U.i.184 F" P
1:4
O. SOCKETTED AXE; POINTED, LONG AND TUBULAR SOCKETS; ORIENTAL.
92
XI.
1:4
T. DOUBLE AXE
F.P.
1 2
O. SOCKETTED AXE. C. CHISEL. B. BUILDERS' TOOLS.
XIII.
FOR T 45 READ 41.
T. ADZE-AXE AND PICKAXE
»AET ICA
I LIX.JI8
1:4
Z. ADZE, PLAIN.
XV.
ECY'T.wn tGirT.vwu
rtiir wdil r. »» v Vt.o
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P. A. li. XXII ,
1 :2
2. ADZE, PLAIN
XVI.
1 A.
Z. ADZE, NECKED.
XVII
1:4
Z. ADZE WITH LUGS; HAFTING; SOCKETTED ADZE
120
POZ1UCLI aOVtLLO ROME DODoMA
6.M. M.I.C.I1I £.B.LI«
Era ^^^™™vTA ---.» KK5?s «Kixr ^a^r,'vr^fS^*'vtr
>ILt»IA,fOiEN,5AX»NT
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K.U. i 1, 18
XIV CENT.
vm. nr
F.P.
1:4
J. METAL HOE.
XIX.
tvf fco*
IUN1I »M
1 :2.
J. METAL HOE.
XX.
45
oy..
50
46
43
*-
I
47 K-l *8
49
51
C. CHISEL; BARE AND TANGED.
r n'tf
Zl Ui I
W ,..1 MS Va li XV »"• LATCNl
ROMAN
M.I. IX. 5"
N.7'841
MS 43 LX.X.VHI
90 91
93 Q4 copper
n n 95
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Egypt xiio
N.»1V,»XV
ICYPT IMD
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P. MJL XXIV
lie
MUM
ItUOCNA
100 101
B R 1 N IE
103
104
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107 lxxvui
SEE
119 XIII
118
120
MA.DRAS
IAON.F.M.904
POMPEH
BOLOGNA N/lrtnlRON
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COMO
r.*>7 «i»»4
POMPEII
IA0N.N.7I775"
Sweden ' ' "
lt>9*- R.AUT BOLOC.NA
I AON B. F.
F.R
12. C CHISEL; BARE METAL,
44 45 46 47 48 S2 56 '58 60 63 65
XXII.
1:4
C. CHISEL, SOCKETTED GOUGE. K. FLAYING KNIFE.
XXIII.
128
129
MAUKRATIS
HoV£L.RN-XXV
136
138
143 144
156
UTENE LATE ME
OT. IX:IR0N O-P.JWIV CHI US
LATENE NAUKRATIS wit"
IK.ON.M.L.189 MODELP.NWV
POMPEIIJAON
N.IiSo9'/io, '/S
£u£u* \\° Jlxxviii
i
MOrVTfSING
tfr94-
160
BOLOGNA, XV
IBS} UMS.ULT
\
r>
159
r\
V
STEl TIN
m. i.r.a
CHARENTE
B.M.
BOLOGNA
B.F.
162
D
liW
WOODCUTS
R C.XXVII
164
163
MINUSSlNSK
M.M. 9
TA^EBIOS
NOAFOLK
E. B. 2L03
166
165
LA TEN E
G. P. XXIV
KEMPTEN
M- I.5.3.
VETULONIA
N.S. *9eS,4lff
167
YoRKi
A LI V.i oo
BOLO&NA
A. UMB.OLT.
168 169
pi
IRELAND
A. M.
170
1
171 174
VIII 1 1 1\
13 1721s"
173JL.XXVIII
BOLOC NA
A. UMB.povr
li/
Bologna
b.umb post
F.P.
1:4
K. KNIFE; STRAIGHT-BACKED.
XXIV.
FH.ANCONIA
NO UN4. M.4..68
K 260 XXXI
pncTUR-hoc
fiOLOCNA,
B.UMfc.PoST.
BOUOGNA.MUSEO Vl +
K. KNIFE; STRAIGHT-EDGED, HOLLOW-BACKED, HOLLOW-EDGED.
COLOPHON BR,
ft M. A.LVtll',5
F.P
1:4
K. KNIFE; RECURVED, BRONZE.
XXVI.
CAPHAKA HALLSTATT
SEfok34- B. S.H.
LATINC f.P. XX
1TAW. BM/17*0
F R
1:4
K. KNIFE; CROOK-BACKED, KHOPESH.
XXVII.
181 1 182
E&-TPT XVIII
MUNICH Booac
I ft,ON . M.L.'irS"
EGYPT XX ».
M-CCXX1 Yxo
EGYPT XIX D
AN. 1890 II
ASSYMA 1300 B.C.
EGYPT XIXTD
ft.M.
F P
K. KNIFE; STRAIGHT EDGE. HOLLOW BACK, HOLLOW EDGE.
XXVIII.
1 : 2.
I\ MNII-t; IIN MI5IUKIUAL UKUtK,
XXIX,
1»4
U. KNIFE; DOUBLE CONVEX, DOUBLE-EDGED.
XXX.
»M»AI MYKIMAl
AN1-SM
1.1.
^ •*•"* A.NGSAX
r.M. 90s
I RON
tr D
J: 2.
U. SYMMETRIC KNIFE.
XXXI
48 49 32 53 3lT 38 59 61 62
XXXII.
EGYPT AYUl D
L.D. III 64
&A. M.A.IX.IX6
ADELSBtRG
AW. 1888
M.A.V.X1.7 AW- I8S-8 "•»■ HM.Ut
PF.AKNESTE
A.W-I, '.X
AL MEDINILLA
C.S.367
KIOVH-AK.A.
M.A.VXlV
TOLENT1NO
M.I.C- IS7
TOLENTIMO.
BA* C.S.37*
6.A.CVMJ D
PER.UG.tA:
&MUBACH
M. V. 8
1:4-
D. DAGGER; EGYPTIAN, INLAID HANDLE.
XXXIII.
XVI I D
AO H HITEP
M.S.VUt 177,1*3
F.R
L/. L^MVJVJCn.
AAAI »
1:4
D. DAGGER, WITHOUT TANG,
WITH TANG; COPPER AND BRONZE. XXXV.
STAFFORD! NOKIIKINMAWt
A.Kum.4'2. MEM. MM M
SNOWSHIU
A.LIX.4-72.
RHONE , B. M.
POUIULY LAI SAC H
EL OFICIO
O-M.KMX-ttt
D.L.XV11I4- M-L-17*
i.p. 6a.
CO P P 1 A,
ftAVAIUA.M.V.fal.
DESSUEKI NOKWICH NEW.
M.A.XXI.XVM *SA.I«J,*7 A.UCI
URY
472.
RR
1:4
D. DAGGER, BRONZE.
XXXVI.
143
178
EL A AGAR.
5. f. »S
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A.LXIV.li*
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M.S.VIII.S»»
KOBAN V B0LOC.NA »LI»V 14 SWEMN MADRAS
nixHf.it UM.roST.IMN £0. IAOM IM>N».k.*07 F.M.IM1 IUS
F.F
1:6
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8 A 9 A io An
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CTI>RUSXVIII»
OX. K,s
STVMA.IHON
AW. ISS5-
ANG- SAXON
IAON l.s.
1:6
H. SPEAR HEAD, BRONZE; STRAIGHT, CONCAVE, SCALLOPED, BARBED.
XXXVIII.
SW.C6SIMAN
MS. VIII. 18
I. A T E N E
HATFIELD' MADRAS -
RSAH96.96 F.M.I336S
BRONZE
L E. S
E . D.
V I G
£mDsV1S ^TTlNE ^SS^^SMiSfWoNA S.«^,A««BALENA
F.R
1:6
um
H. SPEAR HEAD AND BUTT; PIKE, FIN-BLADE. FLAT BLADE.
1111 Q113
XXXIX.
NuftlA XIIO TCR.NI
•AWW*
A N&UO- SAXON
I.S.
L "IFf ? V"V P E •* W" SWEDEN AN6-SAX
M. I. 1.6 . KU3 I.S.
1 : 2.
n. ori_nn i il-hl/ hiil/ lj u i i
163 166 167 168
169 fc no
172 173 17* 173
177
179 180 181 183
184
185
186
187
V*
182
1:4
R. ARROW AND DART, BRONZE.
XLI.
SM CASPIAN TOMSK JXHACUH
142 5W,M
130 140 1*1 A 143 144
mux »»r« »al»-
PfAM SWISS
AiLvr.il 4t»
CAUCASUS ALP.MAKlT. NAUKAATlJ
ex. HI KM IAONS IfcPN.RN.XI
D.H.ilX*
1 :2.
.70 171 172 173
R. ARROW HEAD. V, SCALE ARMOUR.
177 178 179 180 181 182 183 183 187 188 189 191 192
193
XLII.
194
196 197 200 201 202 203 J 205 206 207 208 209 210
loo 199 204 234
2U212 213 2H 215 216 217 218 219 220 222 224 226 227 228 230 232 233 , oo
/V, 221 223 225 "a "* I
Ola OXn OJ1 Oll9n01l ■>!(! 9IR 9I<7 OIn nenOBI 9R9 npxQCCQKl
236
237 238
239 240 241242 243 244 245 246 247 2J8 249 250 231 233 254 255 256
log «g& ffgi ar
l_:.
105
4 R. BOW AND ARROW. V. THROW-STICK, HARPOON, ARMOUR, FISH-HOOK. M. BORING, PLANING. XLIII.
vm 1*94. WHEEL-WRIGHT
1:2. V. SLING BULLET, HARPOON, FISH-HOOK, RASP, SCRAPER. N. THIMBLE. , XLIV.
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
62 63 64 63 66 68
6g 70 71 72 73 74 73
80
M 97 A
v
/
1:4
M. MALLET; HAMMER; TONGS.
XLV.
HEIDEMBE.R.G
M. v. 4-6, 791
SWEDEN
R..S8*
VOWOBM
LATENE A.LIV.IOO
»M G.T.VIH
F.R
5-10
M. MALLET
B. BUILDERS' TOOLS; IRON, WOOD.
XLVII.
Pompeii
n 76689 m'
E&^PT XIX D
CM. 1-7 2_5"9
F.R
1:2.
B. BUILDERS' TOOLS.
XLVlll.
70
71
72
73
74
73
76
3:10.
B. BUILDERS' TOOLS.
XLIX
44 45 46
1:4-
S. SAW; FILE.
L.
23
21 MOEMNGEN
^v. m. u75#
N 7 1 St 8
39}sti
38 40IXLVIII
>«94&>
46} see
45 ^J1-*™'"
48
50
MJVEHGNE
IHONANKjO}
HALLSTATT 3,J
BRONIE.S.H
F.P
S. SAW. E, SWORD. M. DRILL. D. DAGGER. V. SLING. W. SPUR, CHAIN,
LI
FOR S 32. 33. 34. READ S 35, 36. 37.
1 :2.
STONE SAWING AND DRILLING
LII
S. STONE WORKING.
Liil
1:8
F. SICKLE.
LIV.
E G Y P T, V 0,
*7,BO l-.JD ii J-7 7U>
ECVPT VI D.
l.» ii 107 yxa
EOYPT XII O,
t.ft.ii 117 yu>
7 to 9 see LV
Vv
^
EGYPT XII D.
P.~(. VII
BIELE R SEE
M 112 2.
EGYPT
».M.3»A94
14
ANftU COPPER
Py.T. |>L39
MY KC MAE
GRAVES A-C
1 :3
Z. ADZE. W. CORN-GRINDER, FIRESTICK. F. SICKLE.
LV.
1:4
P. PRUNING HOOK OR BILL HOOK.
LVI.
F.R
1:4
P. PRUNING HOOK OR BILL HOOK, IRON.
LVII.
30) SEE
T8SlU,X
1:4
Q. SHEARS AND SCISSORS, IRON.
\8
LVIII.
ANGLO-SAXON
1. ft.
P.ONDSEN
1 :2.
P. PRUNING HOOK. Q. SHEARS AND SCISSORS
LIX.
1:4
X. RAZOR, BRONZE.
LX.
TER*A Dl LAVORO
ft. P. 1894--'
Bologna
umB.akcaico
1 :2.
X. HAIR CURLER, RAZOR.
LXI.
1:4 L. LEATHER CUTTER; CUTTING-OUT KNIFE. Y. TWEEZERS. N. PIN; NEEDLE.
LXII.
r.» xxxit "•
N
1 11
i»*pt i 1.
ml « «lih
IXON.C.T IX J
4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14 15 16 17
ff
l»mjl»T i i J
M A/
EGY PT
XVIII 0
P.I.XXII
18
110 THIMBLE X.LIV
20 2122 23 24 25
n
EG\PT,X*VI
P-F nxxvnl
M' tTM/iC»N
IATIME
IU< ST. IX
I6Y>T X'l I
-D II lit
BY M. *1 MT
SVTCAaPIAN
M. ft.VIU.St A
SuSA,EAM-lI4T
M.S XHI . II
A P.
EGf»T,X.0«AN '/.
P.Hw.XIII INJN'O
A.M.
61L
A. P.
Ff?
1:2.
L. CUTTING-OUT KNIFE.
LXIII.
37 38 39
2:3.
23 24 26 26 27 28
Y. TWEEZERS. LXIV.
29 30 31 32 33 31 SB 36 88 39 40
1 :2.
29 32
N. BORER, NEEDLE. NETTING NEEDLE, PIN. LXV.
33 35 36 37 38 40 41 44 45 51 52 53 54 55 56 51 58 59
90 91 92 93 94 95 98 99 100 101
88 89
\
61 64
65
60
66 69 70 74
75 79
I
80
81
85
87
84
;J5}lxix
102 105 109
1
3 :10
N. SPINNING AND WEAVING. LXV
117 US 120 122 123 125 128 131 132 133
1:6
G. AGRICULTURAL TOOLS.
LXVI
MYKENAE
a. d 2. r.uAwr \<J
3 :10.
G. AGRICULTURAL TOOLS.
LXVUl.
•
68
N
)6 97
g. agricultural Tools, r. bow, arrow and n. needLe 1:1 LklX.
26* 2?3 2U
!60f 261
R
1:4
W. HORSE BIT, BRONZE.
3
LXX.
F.R
1:2.
G. 76, PLOUGH-SHARE. W. BRAND, FISH-HOOK, HORSE-BIT. MANACLES.
LXXI.
1:4
W. FISH SPEAR; FLESH HOOK; SHOVEL; KEY; COMPASSES; CASTING. LXXII.
AUVF. RGNE
AN- 1903.39*
I RON
COMPEL "■'•»•«
76073 N 7**71
N.7008J
\T^v.vi,4.o»
M.7t*«+
F.R
1 :3.
W. HOOKS AND LADLE A. AXE. J. HOE\
LXXIII.
1 :2.
W. SPOON, PESTLE, STRIGIL, SHOVEL, ETC. LXXIV,
80 ^5*1 a^Bi 9* 96 «» 99 100 101
A 71 W«7 89
1:3.
W. BOLT, LOCK, KEY, PULLEY, TOGGLE.
LXXV.
1 :2.
W. METAL KEY.
LXXVI.
1 :2.
W. CASTING.
LXXVII.
B 56
266 267
ASSYRIAN GROUP OF IRON TOOLS. THEBES.
LXXVIII
ROMAN GROUP OF IRON TOOLS. SILCHESTER.
M 139
1:4
SURPLUS OBJECTS.
LXXIX.
O 124
Q. 31
MADRAS IR.OIX
DENMARK.S.A.N.cyog-q-Sr F. M.S17
EARLY 8C3NJ1E
EGYPT, R.OMAN
P.E.AXlX.
%%'
OCT 0 7 198?
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